63 pages 2 hours read

We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2017

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Themes

A Portrait of the Young Black Artist

We Were Eight Years in Power is ostensibly an essay collection about issues of note in America’s racial politics from 2008 to 2016, the years during which Barack Obama ran for and served as America’s first Black president. On the other hand, the book, especially the notes, is a writer’s memoir of the influences, historical context, and artistic lineage that shaped his writing. The main influences on Coates’s craft are exemplary Black men—Malcolm X, hip-hop artists like Chuck D, James Baldwin, and Barack Obama. In Malcolm X, Coates found a proclamation of self-love and the right to create new Black identities that shaped multiple generations in his family and community. In hip-hop, Coates found just the right attitude of defiance and commitment to telling the truth that he needed to claim his autonomy as a writer. Hip-hop’s focus on the importance of rhythm in language shaped Coates’s aesthetic, and one can see the strong presence of hip-hop in essay titles and Coates’s evidence (“My President Was Black” is a play on a line from a Young Jeezy song, for example). Equally important to Coates’s aesthetic is the work of James Baldwin, who used well-honed, beautiful language to reveal the ugliness of White supremacy and the power of Black culture.

Looming over all these artistic influences is Barack Obama. Coates repeatedly reminds the reader that his success as a writer came in part because of a sea change in American culture. During the Obama years, people were eager to learn more about the culture that produced Obama. For writers such as Coates, the Obama presidency created market conditions in which their writing was in demand. Coates admits throughout that he was lucky to have been around during this moment. This focus on historical context is one of the ways in which Coates undercuts the notion of meritocracy in politics or art as the surest way to achieve the American Dream. By applying this insight to his own career, Coates forces the reader to question their notions of what it takes to be a successful writer.

Alongside this pragmatic perspective on what allowed him to succeed is a more idealistic notion of the responsibilities of the Black artist. Coates envisions his writing as part of a lineage of Black writers such as Baldwin and of hip-hop produced by artists like Kendrick Lamar. In this aesthetic, the artist’s audience is primarily Black people, and White people are only a secondary audience that may learn some truths about America if they listen. In such a vision of art, the work should most certainly be well-crafted, but the writer’s ultimate responsibility is to serve the good of the community.

The good is not always to provide inspiration or hope. Instead, the writer’s job here is to bear witness to the enduring impact of White supremacy on Black Americans, to call out hypocrisy and White innocence where they see them functioning, and to do so with as much artistic skill as they can muster. Coates’s notion of the responsibilities of the Black writer is one that prioritizes neither the aesthetic nor the political poles of where the focus of the Black writer should be.

Who Coates is as a writer evolves over the course of the selections in the collection. In the first note, Coates is a struggling writer who has not quite found his voice. The early essays in the collection are less prone to include explicit condemnation of the figures he describes. In the second half of the collection, Coates marshals a wide range of sources to support his writing and makes strong, provocative arguments such as in his support for reparations and the notion of the carceral state as reparations gone wrong. The surest signal of his confidence in his voice as a writer is his increasingly critical take on Barack Obama’s racial politics. Coates fully comes into his own as a writer with the embrace of his concept of plunder.

Plunder: The Tragedy of America’s White Supremacy

One of the central theses of Coates’s collection is that White supremacy and the theft of Black labor, bodies, and wealth are the defining traits of America’s identity. In keeping with his commitment to be unsparing in telling the truth about America, Coates makes the argument that this unpleasant part of America’s past and present explains in large part why America’s moments of seeming progress towards the promise of equality always end in vicious backlash that endangers Black Americans and the country as a whole.

Although Coates uses the concept of “plunder” to describe the American project in his introduction and “Note from the First Year,” it is worth remembering that these pieces represent the then-current end of Coates’s evolution on the issue of the impact of White supremacy. If one examines the essays outside of the more contemporary framing provided by the notes, there is a clear shift to seeing America through the frame of plunder in the second half of the essay collection. The clearest articulation of the concept of plunder comes in the fourth note, which precedes “Fear of Black President.” Coates makes the claim there that “America is literally unimaginable without” plunder (85).

By the time Coates writes “The Case for Reparations,” the research and writing that he did for the piece have convinced him that so much that is puzzling about America is made quite clear if one acknowledges the plunder. Coates uses a wide range of sources—rap lyrics, historical scholarship, historical documents, interviews with Black survivors of more contemporary discrimination by the government, statistics—to prove that the plunder is a contemporary, ongoing crime. Compared to the earlier essays, “The Case for Reparations” is supersized (almost 61 pages), mostly because Coates seems to have thrown all of his resources as a writer into making an unassailable case for the centrality of plunder in America.

The seventh note and “The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration” show what Coates can do with plunder as a frame. He uses plunder to explain why exactly the carceral state—one of the biggest threats to Black Americans’ civil rights and American democracy—has grown to be such a dominating force in America. Coates uses plunder to explain why White liberals and conservatives—as well as some Black politicians—have supported these policies when it is so clear that mass incarceration has disproportionately damaged Black Americans. Plunder as a concept has explanatory power, in other words.

Finally, Coates’s misgivings about Trump in “My President Was Black,” the last essay of the collection, and his prescient predictions in the Epilogue about what Donald Trump might do with White supremacy unleashed show the predictive power of plunder as a concept. Zooming out, one can see that Coates’s articulation of the concept of plunder is a signal to the reader that he is a serious writer on race in the tradition of James Baldwin.

Racism, Class, and the Carceral State

We Were Eight Years in Power is prescient on issues related to criminal justice and policing, based on the dominance of discussions about these issues in 2020 in America and around the world. Coates focuses on this issue in “The Black Family in the Age of Mass Incarceration.” Coates’s main argument in the essay is that the disproportionate impact of the criminal justice system and policing on the lives of Black Americans, especially men, reflects that pervasive White supremacy of America. Instead of addressing the wrongs Black Americans have suffered as the result of slavery and discriminatory policies still in effect, the country has turned to mass incarceration.

Coates frequently attacks perceived truths that have real, negative impacts on the lives of Black Americans. The focus of his demythologization is the White supremacist idea of inherent Black criminality and the failure of even liberal politicians and policy makers to address the wrongs that lead to these high rates of incarceration. Through a careful reading of American history from the age of chattel slavery through the Obama years, Coates reveals that even innocuous actions by Black Americans have been criminalized. He also shows that White Americans, especially White supremacists who proclaim law and order, have a vested interest in criminalizing Black Americans because doing so is profitable and gives them a covert means of exercising political control over Black Americans.

When Coates calls mass incarceration a “social-service program” (231), he is not just making a tongue-in-cheek argument. He is revealing the extent to which White Americans and the state have used the carceral state as a means of social control. Coates uses narratives of individuals with specific stories—ex-offenders, juveniles with life sentences, family members of incarcerated people—to show the devastation wrought by America’s carceral state. In seeking to exercise political and social control over Black Americans, the proponents of tough-on-crime policies have assured that Black Americans will never be able to pull themselves up by their bootstraps.

Coates’s thesis adds more support to his overriding argument that almost every critique of Black Americans as pathological provides cover for unquestioned White supremacist notions—even among White liberals. Coates’s argument forces White liberals to ask hard questions about their complicity in creating the conditions for mass incarceration. Coates’s development of this topic is ultimately in the service of helping the average Black reader and this secondary audience to take a more nuanced, contextualized perspective on mass incarceration. In taking on such a tough topic, Coates is fulfilling his commitment to tell the hard truth about America.

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