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Pollan begins his exploration of caffeine by admitting that by cutting this psychoactive drug out of his daily routine he experienced symptoms of withdrawal that left him feeling particularly demotivated and purposeless. The author claims that around 90% of all people in the world use caffeine regularly, making it the most common psychoactive drug globally (92). As such, Pollan feels it is necessary to give up his daily caffeine habit completely to understand its effect on the human brain and society itself. However, this experiment is not without consequences, as Pollan notes that caffeine withdrawal can include symptoms such as “headache, fatigue, lethargy, difficulty concentrating, decreased motivation, irritability, intense distress, loss of confidence(!), and dysphoria” (93) and shares that he experienced each of these. Pollan procrastinates about cutting out caffeine until finally he begins his experiment by replacing caffeinated coffee with mint tea, which fails to clear his mental fog. Over the course of his first week Pollan feels less mentally sharp, and his writing work feel overwhelming, which makes him realize the role caffeine was playing in enhancing his concentration and improving his mood.
Pollan examines two plants responsible for producing caffeine: Coffea, or the coffee plant, and Camellia sinensis, or tea. By happening to produce a molecule humans find pleasurable and valuable, these plants have enticed people to spread them all over the world. As such they are some of the world’s most successful plants, as widespread as other staple crops like wheat and corn. Ironically, plants produce caffeine to make themselves less desirable, specifically to insect predators, who find caffeine lethal in high doses. It may also be a kind of herbicide since it inhibits the growth of other plants nearby, thus reducing competition.
Another purpose caffeine serves to plants is its attractiveness to pollinators, who remember its flower and seem to prefer nectar that contains caffeine. Pollan cites a scientific study showing that bees “return more reliably to flowers that offer them caffeinated nectar” (101). Interestingly, when bees forage among caffeine-producing plants they are more likely to return to those plants even if they have been depleted of nectar, which reduces both the quality and the quantity of the bees’ honey storage. For this reason, one researcher called the plant’s evolutionary strategy exploitative rather than symbiotic since it does not truly benefit bees in the long run to forage caffeinated nectar. Pollan muses that plants manipulating animals into certain behaviors is “an eerily familiar story” (102). Pollan questions whether civilization has benefited or suffered from caffeine and also considers the same question when it comes to humans as a species, which he acknowledges are different considerations.
Caffeinated products such as coffee, tea, and chocolate were not introduced into European society until the 1600s. Chinese civilization has been using tea medicinally since 1000 BC and recreationally since the 7th century AD while people in East Africa have enjoyed coffee since the 9th century. Pollan argues that the proliferation of caffeinated drinks in European society encouraged “a new form of consciousness in Europe” that differed greatly from previous mental states resulting from frequent alcohol consumption (103). He claims this new consciousness greatly impacted European politics, scientific development, work culture, and much more.
Before its introduction to Europe, coffee, which was discovered in Ethiopia, was already a popular drink across East Africa and the Middle East. The prohibition of alcohol in Muslim communities helped coffee houses become popular public spaces for sharing news, games, and performances. While coffee and coffeehouses were sometimes controversial and occasionally banned by authorities, it remained popular and was referred to as “kahve” meaning “the wine of Araby” (105). Pollan ponders the connection between Islamic communities’ advancements in math, science, and technology and their consumption of coffee while rejecting alcohol. Similarly, during China’s Tang dynasty caffeinated tea was commonly consumed while their society reached new heights. In addition to encouraging mental alertness the tannins naturally present in tea and coffee had antimicrobial properties, and in combination with the boiling water they were steeped in this made teas far more potable than regular water and ever safer than alcohol. Pollan posits that these health benefits may have played a part in reducing microbial diseases in coffee and tea drinking societies, helping them become more successful.
In the mid-17th century Europe’s first coffee houses opened and became immensely popular public meeting places where people of different social classes interacted. In England women were banned from coffeehouses while in France they were permitted. Pollan emphasizes the importance of coffeehouses as not only a new kind of public space but also a “new kind of communications medium” (106). Indeed, coffeehouses were referred to as “penny universities” since they contained magazines, books, newspapers, and lively conversation (107). Coffeehouses became such significant meeting places that they began to cater to niche markets. For example, Lloyd’s Coffee House provided shipping news to merchants and even offered insurance policies. (Lloyd’s Coffee House later became the insurance market Lloyd’s of London, which still exists as a billion-dollar operation today.) Similarly, there were coffee houses popular with scientists, writers, and more. Opponents to England’s coffee house culture included doctors who were concerned about coffee consumption and women who disapproved of men’s obsession with coffee and the coffeehouses. Women were, however, permitted inside tea cafes and middle- and upper-class women “proceeded to develop a rich culture of tea parties, high teas and low, and a whole regime of tea accessories” (109). Pollan attributes women’s embrace of tea with the continued association of tea and femininity in the West.
Meanwhile the monarchy also felt threatened by coffee houses’ popularity since their patrons’ political discussions included airing anti-royalist views. When Charles II attempted to ban coffee houses in 1675, however, his orders were ignored by the coffee-obsessed population, and he quickly retreated from his position rather than ignite a conflict over the issue. Similarly, the French also relied on their coffeehouses as valuable meeting places with significant political debate; they played a role in the French Revolution by providing a meeting place for angry mobs.
Pollan builds on this history to argue that changes in Europe's intellectual and political arenas would not have occurred if Europeans had continued to rely on alcohol as their daily drink. By reducing alcohol, a depressant, and consuming caffeine, a stimulant, “the European mind had been pried loose from alcohol’s grip, freeing it for new kinds of thinking that caffeine helped to foster” (111). This new thinking included more rationalist interpretations of reality and Enlightenment ideas.
Pollan reports that after a few weeks of forgoing caffeine his withdrawal symptoms decrease, but he feels left out of cafe culture and rituals and the caffeine-fueled energy of those around him. On the other hand, he is sleeping better and feeling more refreshed when he wakes up. He also feels a sense of pride that he is not reliant on caffeine, which he credits to the “echoes of Puritanism” in American culture that equate addiction with mental frailty (116). Pollan turns his attention to the scientific literature on caffeine, which shows how it can boost “memory, focus, alertness, vigilance, attention, and learning” (117). For example, caffeinated chess players performed better than their caffeine-free rivals. Pollan notes that since almost everyone uses caffeine daily these studies are difficult to make fair since uncaffeinated people could be affected by symptoms of withdrawal. While caffeine is shown to improve focus and concentration it may not aid creativity, which Pollan claims requires “the freedom to let the mind off the leash of linear thought” (119). He contrasts two types of consciousness: lantern and spotlight. Lantern consciousness, most often exhibited by children and people using psychedelic drugs, helps you to moderate attention to a variety of things while spotlight consciousness focuses the mind on a single task requiring linear thinking. Pollan connects caffeine with spotlight consciousness, arguing that this kind of thought fostered the Enlightenment as well as the rise of capitalism.
The author returns to the history of the coffee trade, explaining how the trade in coffee beans did little for European traders since Arab growers and merchants had a total monopoly on access to the coffee plant; they even roasted the beans before selling them to ensure that Europeans could not successfully plant their own coffee crop. However, one Dutchman smuggled live coffee plants out of Yemen and transplanted them into his greenhouse in the Netherlands. After further propagating these plants, they were taken to the Dutch colony of Java, Indonesia and grown for the Dutch East India Company. King Louis of France was also given one of these plants, which resulted in coffee plantations in French Caribbean colonies.
Before the arrival of coffee, Europeans drank alcohol at all times of the day. Since most of the population was preoccupied with doing physical labor, being mentally sharp was not a concern, but for other professionals frequent beer breaks represented a hazard and an obstacle to consistent productivity. Pollan writes that coffee consumption “helped disperse Europe’s alcoholic fog,” impressing 17th century thinkers such as James Howell, who noted that it encouraged sobriety among the English by replacing it with a “wakeful and civil drink” (121-22). Additionally, workers now had a tool to fight tiredness, which used to make night shifts difficult or impossible.
Pollan argues that tea has different reputations and associations in the East and the West. In Asian philosophies, such as Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism, tea was an “instrument of the spiritual life” (123). The Chinese celebrated tea and enjoyed its usefulness as an aid to staying alert as well as a source of vitamins, minerals, and fluoride. Drinking tea was elevated to a spiritual practice that philosophers extolled as an essential part of living well.
When Europeans encountered Asian tea through international trade, they brought it home with them; it quickly grew in popularity and went from an upper-class beverage in 1700 to a ubiquitous drink by 1800. This growing reliance on tea was made possible by Britain’s theft of tea-growing secrets as well as their violent conquest of India, where they transplanted tea bushes and forced Indian farmers to labor for them. Pollan explains, “The introduction of tea to the West was all about exploitation, the extraction of surplus value from labor, not only in its production in India but in its consumption in England as well” (125). Similarly to coffee, English workers enjoyed tea for its caffeine, which became essential to the working class who endured the strenuous and dangerous jobs of the Industrial Revolution.
Pollan revisits his question of whether caffeine was a benefit or detriment to building our society. Because it increases our speed and focus, it helps us “keep pace with the man-made machinery of modern life,” but this can occur at the expense of an individual’s health (127). During the American Civil War, the Union Army ensured each soldier received a ration of 36 pounds of coffee each year while the Confederate soldiers likely lagged from their lack of access to the drink. The modern U.S. Army continues to make caffeine available to soldiers in the form of gum and tablets. By the 1950s employers noticed that allowing their employees a work break and providing them with coffee resulted in an increase in productivity. Soon, coffee breaks were a regular feature of American work culture.
Pollan raises the question of how caffeine can give us energy without providing us with any calories. This molecule blocks another compound, adenosine, from the brain’s receptors, meaning the brain cannot register its depressive or soporific effect. Adenosine continues to increase and circulate in our brains, but we are not affected by it when caffeine is blocking its reception. Ever since coffee and tea’s introduction to Western society, common people and scientists have questioned their healthfulness, speculating about these drinks’ connection to everything from infertility to cancer and mental illness. For the most part, modern science has clarified that, when consumed in moderation, caffeinated coffees and teas have some health benefits, including antioxidants. However, one way they are detrimental to our health is by interrupting our natural circadian rhythms, causing us to sleep less. Pollan cites sleep scientist Matt Walker, who argues that the average person is not enjoying the necessary deep sleep required for optimal health. Walker attributes this to caffeine’s long life in our bodies—it can take 12 hours for our bodies to completely process caffeine. According to Walker, even if people can fall asleep while caffeinated, they will not experience as deep of a sleep. Pollan points out that this can create a vicious cycle: People use caffeine to feel less tired, but they are tired because they continue to use caffeine. He claims that this shows there is no “free lunch” from caffeine, only energy that is “borrowed, from the future, and must eventually be paid back” and that the interest we pay on this loan is the amount and quality of our sleep (137).
The explosion in popularity in coffee, tea, and the sugar people added to it, only fueled the “brutal rationality” of Britain’s imperialist conquests and enslavement of African peoples in North America and the Caribbean (138). The British East India Company also enslaved Indian farmers to grow tea plants, which the British had smuggled out of China to sell it directly to European merchants and avoid adding to their trade debts to the Chinese. They also grew their own opium in India, which they directed to China with disastrous results for the Chinese, many of whom became addicted to this drug. This opium trade was wildly successful for the British, and when the Chinese emperor called for opium shops to shut down in 1839, the British waged war and claimed several ports, including Hong Kong. As a result, the British were able to continue to profit from selling Indian opium to Chinese consumers. Pollan argues that today’s global system of coffee and tea production remains exploitative; farmers in tropical countries generally receive a tiny fraction of the cost the consumer pays for their product.
Pollan admits that he has primarily analyzed coffee and tea through the lens of their economy and brain chemistry. He acknowledges that both hold significant cultural weight and ponders why coffee has a reputation for being masculine and powerful while tea is considered more feminine and refined. Unlike drinks like milk or juice that do not change consciousness, coffee and tea cultures both have aficionados who can dissect their exact tasting notes, which Pollan calls “rococo structures of meaning” (145). He credits our tendency to analyze and celebrate the flavor of coffees and teas due to their ability to make us feel awake and happy. Pollan cites research showing that, while caffeine itself does not have any taste, people reliably prefer the taste of caffeinated beverages since our brains learn to associate the pleasant effects of caffeine with the taste we experienced consuming it. This is why soda makers make sure they add caffeine to their products even though it is a tasteless substance.
Pollan transitions to discussing his own experiences with quitting caffeine, curious to see how a fully caffeinated espresso would affect him after three months of abstaining. He considers visiting Peet’s, which was established in 1966 as one of the first coffee shops in Berkeley, California. He credits the founder of Peet’s, Alfred Peet, with changing America’s coffee culture by improving the standard of flavor and roasting and encouraging customers to pay more for a better product. Pollan decides to visit The Cheese Board coffee shop for a flat white coffee. The author is amazed by the euphoria he gets from his cup of coffee and reflects on how quickly the human brain becomes acclimatized to receiving it daily. This euphoria morphs into an uncomfortable hypervigilance and agitation. When he arrives home Pollan feels motivated to clear out his email inbox until he’s too fidgety to remain at his desk, then he goes through his closet for clothes donations, surprised by his willingness and focus to complete a task he usually hates. He manically takes care of a number of other tasks, and when he starts to consider getting another cup, he recognizes “the clever and sinuous voice of the addict” and resists (151).
Interested in seeing coffee plantations in person, Pollan travels to Columbia. There he visits Cafe de la Cima, a coffee farm close to Fredonia. The owner, Humberto, gives Pollan a tour of his farm where he grows 12,000 coffee plants in the ideal tropical conditions: high elevation, full sun, generous rainfall, and good drainage. Pollan picks coffee beans himself and finds working on the steep hillsides difficult and painful. He contemplates how traditional coffee harvesting is still done, with beans picked by hand and flushed downhill in a concrete tube to the processing center. He observes how completely different the tropical Andes mountains are to his usual home but notes that both landscapes are irrevocably intertwined. Pollan reiterates the astonishing success of the coffee plant, to which humans have dedicated 27 million acres of new habitat, or coffee farms. He again expresses amazement at the fact that “a secondary metabolite produced by plants to poison insects would also deliver an energizing bolt of pleasure to a human brain, and then turn out to alter that brain’s neurochemistry in a way that made these plants indispensable” (157). He concludes that while humans often think we are the beneficiaries of our interactions with plants, he feels that the history of caffeine would seem different if the plants could express themselves. Pollan shares that he tries to now use caffeinated coffee and tea only occasionally, “rather than let coffee and tea use me” (159). However, he does sometimes find himself involuntarily drawn to a real cup of coffee.
In these passages Pollan uses gentle and self-deprecating humor to engage the reader. For example, he uses a Wile E. Coyote reference to capture feelings of listlessness and demotivation from caffeine withdrawal, writing, “like Wile E. Coyote in the Road Runner cartoon, I chanced to glance down and realized there was no more road underfoot, just a vast empty expanse of pointlessness as far as I could see” (91). He also admits to how difficult it was for him to experience caffeine withdrawal while trying to be productive as a writer, explaining, “What had never occurred to me when I began this experiment is that, by giving up caffeine, I would be undermining my ability to tell the story of caffeine, a knot I wasn’t sure at all sure how to untie” (93).
Pollan supports his investigation into caffeine by citing numerous scientific studies on its effects on insects and people. For example, he references studies conducted on pollinating insects to determine how caffeine informs their behavior. He mentions how German research in the 1990s determined that many plants—not just coffee and tea—produce caffeine in their nectar. He credits British entomologist Geraldine Wright with discovering the caffeine improves bees’ memories and influences their taste. The author also uses sleep research to support his claim that caffeine negatively influences people’s natural ability to fall asleep and achieve deep sleep. He refers to British scientist Matt Walker’s book “Why We Sleep,” whose thesis Pollan synthesizes as “the sleep we are getting stinks and a principal culprit in this crime against body and mind is caffeine” (134). He also cites Harvard researcher Charles Czeisler who is raising the alarm about the negative consequences of caffeine dependence. On the other hand, Pollan adds nuance to his research by citing some scientists’ work on the possible benefits of drinking teas and coffee.
In these passages Pollan advances his theme of different drug’s effects on the human brain, which he finds a particularly important part of understanding caffeine, since it is such a commonly used drug around the world. In demonstrating how people harnessed the powers of caffeine for their own ends, especially alertness, focus, and endurance at work, the author shows how this drug has been a boon to our civilization. However, he also makes an important distinction between the health of the individual and the growth and prosperity of civilization generally. For example, routinely caffeinated workers were able to resist tiredness and cope with long factory shifts during the Industrial Revolution at the expense of their own health. Pollan also highlights how in the modern world the acceptance and culture around caffeine consumption has mitigated the real benefits in that most people are chasing an addiction, and the effects most experience are really the removal of withdrawal symptoms as opposed to actually benefiting from the positive effects of caffeine. Moreover, Pollan also expands his theme of the Differing Perceptions of Drugs and Drug Use by examining how coffee and tea were perceived very differently in the West as opposed to the Asian and Near Eastern civilizations where they originated. Additionally, his analysis of coffee’s reputation as a masculine beverage and tea as a feminine one helps the reader understand the gendered legal and social history that continues to live on in modern stereotypes about these drinks.
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