213 pages 7 hours read

These Truths: A History of the United States

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2018

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Themes

Truth and Historiography

Though matters of truth and the proper reading of history may feel like recent concerns, issues regarding textual authority, the origins of the United States, and the manipulation of historical records to form creation myths have persisted since the country’s nascence. Arguably, the concern about truth in historiography, or our telling of history based on records, starts with the Dominican friar Bartolomé de las Casas and his transcription of Christopher Columbus’s Diario. The diary had been copied in the 1530s, then disappeared twice in the 18th and 19th centuries. Lepore reminds readers that “[h]istory is the study of what remains, what’s left behind” (4). It is a story subject to perpetual revision as its narrators learn more and adjust their perspectives to contemporary cultural and social mores. This consideration of historiography and truth could likely also apply to Walter Raleigh’s history of the world, written in prison, Edward Coke’s revision of English common law for colonial administration, and James Madison’s record of the Philadelphia Convention. Though concrete facts—dates, names, and actual events—are key to the retelling of history, it is not entirely objective, as the perspective of either the witness or the narrator infiltrates the text.

Since the rise of social media in the 2000s, new sources of news, opinion, and even history have emerged, shared through Facebook memes, unverified tweets, and YouTube videos. The nation’s political stratification, which began in the late 1960s and widened more deeply in succeeding decades, influenced what people would accept as truth, reiterating a concern Walter Lippmann had once expressed about how people would decide on what was true—whether they would base their views on reason or on what they wished to believe. As the culture wars came to be fought mostly online, it seemed as though the latter tendency would prevail.

The debate over US history is pronounced and, arguably, most divisive when the public engages in discourse regarding the Founding Fathers’ true intentions when writing the Constitution and when discussing the origins of the Civil War. Perspectives tend to fall along political lines. Conservatives have put forth the idea of originalism, arguing for a strict interpretation of the Constitution that does not consider rights not already granted in the document, while liberals tend to advocate a loose interpretation, seeing the Constitution as a malleable document that must be interpreted in ways that are relevant and applicable to our times. Despite ample evidence that the Civil War was fought over slavery, some, particularly from the South, continue to believe that the war erupted over a states’ rights argument and that Confederate generals have an honorable a place in American history, just as any war hero. Reassessments of this history, fostered by the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and the march of white supremacists in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017, have aided in delegitimizing this view, which is rooted in a mythologization of antebellum history that became particularly pronounced in the 1910s and has persisted.

The title of this book, which reappropriates a line from the Declaration of Independence, deals with the matter of truth when retelling history and interpreting the documents that give us some insight into the origins of the United States. However, Lepore seems to advocate using these documents as guides, rather than treating them as sacred texts.

The Rights and Makings of a Free People

The great irony and sin of the United States is its founding as a democracy that was economically dependent on the oppression and enslavement of people of African descent. The English colonists’ rule over enslaved people coincided with their own struggle against the English king’s authority. In the text, Lepore wonders when some people have the right to rule and rebel, who gets to do so, and why others’ similar fight against tyranny is resisted by those in power.

Concerns about power and freedom began, not in the American colonies, but in early 17th century England when the British jurist Edward Coke revived the Magna Carta to challenge the Stuart monarchy’s claims of royal privilege. Coke “insisted that the law was above the king” (41). The law, after all, would insist on truth, establishing rights to trial by a jury instead of trial by ordeal, which had earlier prevailed in Europe. African Americans, however, would not enjoy these rights, neither during the colonial era nor after the nation’s establishment. According to the Enlightenment thinker John Locke, whose ideas about property and government influenced the founders, Africans could be enslaved because they supposedly existed in a state of nature. Similarly, indigenous peoples could have their land seized because they had no sense of private property. Thus, ideas of freedom and citizenship came to depend on one’s ability to assimilate to Western standards of worship and habitation. While efforts were made in the 19th century to assimilate some indigenous peoples according to these standards, African Americans and certain other peoples of color, particularly the Chinese, were regarded as unassimilable—a standard rooted in notions of race. When white colonists fought against the British Empire’s standard of taxation without representation, they argued that this method of levying taxes amounted to slavery. John Adams likened colonists to the “negro,” keenly aware that to be Black meant to be unfree.

Questions about freedom—that is, who would enjoy the rights of citizenship and who would not—lingered as the nation expanded. When Mexican territory was annexed after the Mexican-American War, politicians wondered if Mexicans, whom they did not exactly consider white people, would be admitted as a free people. When waves of Chinese people immigrated to the Pacific West after the Gold Rush, the public and its leadership wondered if they would be classified as “white” or as “colored.” Meanwhile, Black people, who had existed in the United States since its nascence, struggled for citizenship rights, long after the 14th Amendment was added to the Constitution to enshrine those rights, and longer still after the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which outlawed discrimination in public accommodations, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which was intended to ensure that Southern states would not attempt to prevent African Americans from exercising their right to vote.

American history, despite its ideals and its promotion of democracy abroad, has long rested on the idea that the freedom of one group, namely white people, relied on the oppression of others, namely those who were not white. Additionally, due to the history of slavery, the stigmatization of both the Chinese and Japanese, the marginalization of Mexicans, and the recent vilification of Arab and South Asian Americans, the default face of citizenship, too, has been white.

Federal Rights Versus States’ Rights

Since its founding, the United States has been splintered between those who wanted a government with a strong central power, the Federalists, and those who wanted a government that remained closer to the ideal envisioned within the Articles of Confederation, in which the states remained largely autonomous—the Anti-Federalists. After the constitutional convention in 1787 and, particularly, after George Washington ended his presidency, the two parties who dominated political discourse were the Federalists, led by the second president, John Adams, and the Democratic-Republicans, led by the third president, Thomas Jefferson. As Lepore notes, the two-party system is endemic to the nation’s founding, part of a persisting debate over the limits of federal power, which started with a contention, first raised by constitutional convention delegate George Mason, over the absence of a bill of rights in the Constitution.

Concerns about the extent of federal power would influence decisions ranging from the establishment of a national bank to, most notably, the rights of states to maintain slavery without interference. The nullification crisis of the 1830s started as an argument over a tariff but, as Lepore notes, was truly “about the limits of states’ rights and the question of slavery” (217). It also augured the civil war that was to come. The debate that ensued between President Andrew Jackson and Senator John C. Calhoun led the former to conclude that US sovereignty preceded that of the states, while the South Carolina senator and leader of the proslavery movement insisted that slavery was essential to a republican government (218).

Over a century later, the argument for states’ rights would be used again to justify the oppression of African Americans. Most Southern states would use states’ rights and the 10th Amendment to defy federal orders to desegregate public schools in both 1954 and 1955. In more recent years, as the nation’s political divisions have widened, the federal government has become an object of resentment among conservatives who, since the Reagan era, have insisted that government cannot solve social ills but is the likely cause of them. This position would be used to justify the repeal of a series of social welfare programs, which would further impoverish mostly poor people of color. Throughout the 20th century, as the power of the executive branch expanded, the two major parties would change their opinions about the limitations of executive power, depending on the party affiliation of the person who held presidential office.

While arguments over the extent of federal power do have roots in the nation’s founding, and even in 17th-century debates in England regarding the privileges of the Crown, they have primarily been concerned with moral arguments about slavery and rights to citizenship, particularly for African Americans.

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