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Fanon examines the dangers nationalism poses to the decolonization process. Unfortunately, achieving independence is only the first step in the long and difficult process of creating a more just society. In fact, in most decolonized societies what follows after independence is just as bad as what preceded it. The underdeveloped national middle class steps into the position left behind by the settlers and begins to accumulate personal wealth at the cost of exploiting their own countrymen. There is no structural change, simply a shift in ownership.
In its pursuit of wealth, the middle class turns away from the interior where the most of the population lives in poverty and looks to the mother country for profit. Fanon calls them the party organizers for the former colonies and sees the resorts and beach towns that cater to Westerners as proof of the moral and political failure of the local bourgeoisie.
The middle class’ nationalist rallying call against the foreigners as a means to appropriate their positions and land gradually turns into ultranationalism, then chauvinism, and ultimately racism. Gradually, the struggle for control over national resources evolves into racial and ethnic conflicts. After the exodus of the European colonizers, the “foreigners” who threaten to take away local jobs and opportunities are other Africans.
Fanon blames the national bourgeoisie across the continent for assimilating the colonialist way of thinking and for propagating and exacerbating the tensions between different groups. Rather than trying to uphold African unity, each country takes up a chauvinistic stand against what it perceives as inferior or threatening. North African countries look with disdain to the south, while South African countries distrust the Muslim Arab north.
A second major problem facing a newly liberated nation is the national political party. According to Fanon, a party should serve the people’s interests, but usually it becomes a tool of oppression in the heads of the elite. Often, a local leader who takes control over a former colony attempts to solidify his power by appointing people from his family or clan to all key positions, creating an ethnic division between different groups. The solution to this problem is to educate the masses, especially the young people.
This section is the most programmatic of the book, serving as a type of blueprint for a newly liberated country. Fanon analyzes why political reform in newly liberated nations often fails and devolves into tribal cronyism and finds two main culprits: the middle class and the political leaders. In his view a political party should be the people’s instrument for change, not the elite’s tool for control. However, Fanon’s discussion is limited to one national party and does not consider that there are usually at least two in a democratic society. Potentially, he is envisioning a socialist nation with a one-party system.
This part also touches on the problem of racism and how it relates to postcolonialism. Fanon observes that the system of discrimination founded by the Europeans very easily transfers to the locals, even after liberation. Following the patterns inherited from the colonizers, one group of Africans begins to discriminate against another. The author largely blames the native bourgeoisie, a social class created in imitation of the European bourgeoisie but without the latter’s experiences and achievements. He sees the local middle class as decadent and opportunistic, devoid of patriotic sentiment.
The complete rejection of the local middle class is another indication of Fanon’s Marxist ideas. In Marx and Engels’s works, the bourgeoisie, including the aristocracy, is often presented as a despicable class of people who seek profit by exploiting others. Fanon does not examine any potential alternative roles the middle class could play in a decolonized society, dismissing the possibility out of hand.
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