46 pages 1 hour read

The Red Record: Tabulated Statistics and Alleged Causes of Lynching in the United States

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1895

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Chapters 9-10Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 9 Summary: “Lynching Record for 1894”

Chapter 9 offers another comprehensive record of lynchings in the American South. This data is provided by a January 1895 edition of the Chicago Tribune. Wells points out several key pieces of data that relate to cases she detailed earlier in the work, including the six Black men who were killed at night for suspected arson. Another case in Georgia details the murder of seven Black men who either refused or did not know the location of a suspected criminal named Pike.

Accusations of murder and rape constitute the largest number of lynchings. Other crimes include specifically worded categories: unknown offenses, enticing servant away, train wrecking, no offense, race prejudice, introducing smallpox, writing a letter to a white woman, giving information, political causes, conjuring, and asking a white woman to marry him. Georgia recorded the highest number of lynchings at 19, with Mississippi and Louisiana close behind at 15 each. Other states with recorded lynchings include Arkansas, Virginia, Tennessee, Alabama, Kentucky, Texas, South Carolina, Florida, Missouri, Ohio, Maryland, West Virginia, Indiana, Kansas, and Pennsylvania.

The record also included three cases of women who were lynched. Two of these women’s identities were unknown. One lynching was for “race prejudice,” and the other two were for unknown offenses.

Chapter 10 Summary: “The Remedy”

In her closing chapter, Wells summarizes her arguments for abolishing lynching and details measures that can be taken to ensure progress. She assures readers that Black citizens are not claiming that all Black people are innocent of all crimes: “We have associated too long with the white man not to have copied his vices as well as his virtues. But we do insist the punishment is not the same for both classes of criminals” (120). Wells argues that Black citizens deserve the same due process afforded to white citizens who are accused of the same crimes. The United States judicial system is built upon the belief that the accused must be proven guilty; however, lynching operates upon the belief that the accused is inherently guilty, and no amount of evidence can prove innocence.

Wells reminds readers of two instances when political forces challenged Lynch Law. Mayor Trout of Roanoke, Virginia, attempted to protect a jailed prisoner with a militia. However, a mob attacked his militia, killing nine soldiers, and drove Trout from the city. The other case was Governor McKinley of Ohio, who ordered a militia to protect a prisoner. In the end, five men were killed.

Wells’s demand is clear: Black citizens deserve a fair trial and punishment organized by the law rather than a mob: “No evidence he can offer will satisfy the mob; he is bound hand and foot and swung into eternity” (120). The journalist appeals to the moral sentiments of readers who are quick to point out injustices in other countries. Wells then speaks directly to the reader, asserting that every individual has a role to play in activism.

Wells provides steps that can be taken to advocate for the abolishment of lynching. First, individuals can disseminate the facts about lynching and racist violence. Second, individuals can involve churches and moral organizations to enact change. She urges these organizations to protest where and when lynchings take place. Third, she suggests that people remove capital from organizations and areas where lynching is supported and ignored. Fourth, she encourages readers to live up to the moral code of the United States as a land for the brave and free, despite evidence that this code applies only to white citizens. Fifth, Wells invites readers to support the Blair Anti-Lynching Bill, which seeks severe penalties for those who commit acts of lynching.

In her closing statement, Wells speaks directly to the reader once more, answering the question about what an individual can do to help the cause. She reasserts that the most important effort of the individual is to tell the world the facts. This is the purpose of her book, and she encourages readers to share copies with others.

Chapters 9-10 Analysis

When reading Wells’s demands for change, contemporary readers might be surprised by their simplicity. Her charge—that Black citizens deserve the same due process as white citizens—is straightforward: “We do insist that the punishment is not the same for both classes of criminals. In lynching, opportunity is not given the Negro to defend himself against the unsupported accusations of white men and women” (120). Wells points out the disparity between how crimes are handled among white and Black populations. Accused white citizens enjoy the privileges of a fair trial and assumed innocence. Under Lynch Law, Black citizens are given no opportunity for defense; instead, they are murdered and tortured with little regard for the severity of the alleged crime.

Wells has only one request—treat accused Black and white citizens the same. Its simplicity illuminates the fact that lynching is racist violence, no matter what justification is used by its perpetrators. Instead of assuming guilt and providing no way to prove innocence, Black citizens should be held to the same standard as white citizens. Along with an appeal to humanity and compassion, Wells also includes an appeal to patriotism, quoting the National Anthem and stating that Lynch Law goes against the principles of America as “the land of the free and the home of the brave” (xx). This rhetorical strategy allows Wells to evoke pathos, appealing to white Americans’ sense of ethics and morals and saying it is un-American to withhold due process from citizens simply because of skin color. 

Wells’s calls to action relate directly to Racist Violence as a Mechanism for Power and Mob Mentality and White Immunity. Racist violence as a mechanism for power only works so long as it is not faced with another equal or stronger power. The participation of moral organizations such as the YMCA in lynching activism lends credibility and religious power to the cause. Wells seeks to fight power with power by turning these organizations against the unfettered authority of white mobs in the South. Attention from international interests also threatens the bottom line of Southern tradesmen, highlighting the role of boycotts in both this era of antiracist activism and the 20th century. Furthermore, encouraging labor and trade organizations to cease working with individuals and regions who support lynching practices strikes at the bottom line. Power needs funding, and history proves that change is enacted far more quickly when capital is affected.

Wells also advocates for individuals to think for themselves and to avoid falling into the traps of mob mentality. She encourages legislators to seek measures that will convict and condemn vigilante groups who attempt to carry out their racist judgments, which will dismantle the unbridled white immunity of the Lynch Law mob. Although the Blair Anti-Lynching Bill never passed, it remains an important milestone in efforts to abolish lynching practices.

Wells bookends her text with two direct records from publications, each detailing information about lynchings in the United States. Both records reveal the widespread and unbridled use of lynching and underline that these violent acts were used to intimidate and instill fear among Black citizens and maintain white supremacy. Chapter 9 includes a record from the Chicago Tribune, citing offenses such as writing and proposing to a white woman. Although murder and rape accusations make up the majority of the cases, in previous chapters, Wells reveals how these charges are often ungrounded or interpreted extremely broadly. Once more, Wells uses the technique of sharing data directly from white sources to combat the racist practice of lynching. She recognizes that her readers may not be sympathetic to the accounts of Black witnesses and victims. Capitalizing on the assumed credibility of white testimony, she draws attention to racist violence by using the words of white people. In her opening chapter, Wells explains that she will utilize white testimony and records to dismantle lynching from within. In Chapter 9, the inclusion of the Chicago Tribune records condemns lynching without directly speaking on the subject. With the context provided in previous chapters, any reader sifting through the accusations will pause at the prevalence of suspected or alleged crimes, as well as those marked for no offense whatsoever.

After detailing the reality of lynching in the United States and pointing out how it is a mechanism of power, Wells ends her book with a call to action, outlining how individuals and organizations can combat racist violence. Wells emphasizes the role of the individual and the daily efforts that contribute to social change. Her first recommendation is the dissemination of facts, particularly those shared in The Red Record: “Let the facts speak for themselves, with you as the medium” (122). At the end of the chapter, she tells readers that individuals have a responsibility to share facts about historical records and racist violence and that these facts are often more than enough to condemn lynching. Wells views Research and Testimony as Activism. She believes in the power of research and records to challenge racist violence and discrimination.

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