38 pages • 1 hour read
The Radical and the Republican
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Introduction - Chapter 1Chapter Summaries & Analyses
Introduction Summary
During the Introduction to The Radical and the Republican, James Oakes beings by trying to reframe the way in which many readers may first approach the book. Assuming a baseline knowledge of Abraham Lincoln, he first presents the historic Lincoln-Douglas Debates not in grand, florid terms that one might associate with it since it is often considered “[o]ne of the great highlights of American political discourse” (xvi). Instead, Oakes shows the human element present in the politics of the time. It is not, necessarily, the high-level intellectual exchange of noble ideas but instead filled with “vulgarity” (xv). By doing this, Oakes wants to jar readers out of a sense of noble nostalgia for the past and to present them with the facts, the events, and the words that took place during the lead up to and during the American Civil War (1861-1865).
Using the Lincoln-Douglas Debates as the backdrop, Oakes then introduces Frederick Douglass, the famed abolitionist and escaped slave turned author who is often invariably tied to Abraham Lincoln, and therefore mis-represented as a constant and staunch Lincoln ally. Oakes firmly grounds the reader in the understanding that, at the outset, Lincoln and Douglass were anything but allies, such that the mere associate with Douglass would have been enough to verifiably sink Lincoln’s senatorial aspirations in 1858 (xvi-xvii).
Moreover, Oakes is sure to remind the reader that Douglass was indeed an unabashed and unashamed radical voice for his time, and that it was only after many years in the public light that Douglass was to “come to appreciate the power of mainstream politics” (xix). Thus, Oakes states, his goal is not merely a biography but a framing of two men, similar in belief but different in execution, who “reveal[ed] what can happen in American democracy when progressive reformers and savvy politicians make common cause” (xx).
Chapter 1 Summary: “I Won’t Stop Until I Reach the Senate”
During Chapter 1, Oakes devotes time to establishing the early character of Frederick Douglass for his reader. Assuming little to no prior knowledge on the part of the reader for Douglass, Oakes recounts the man’s early life as a time spent coming to terms with his freedom and his initial entrance into the social and political world of mid-19th century America, where his urge “for freedom and […] political life—were hard to separate” (7). Douglass taught himself to read by “mastering The Columbian Orator, a children’s schoolbook filled with the inspiring speeches of great politicians who sang the praises of liberty and the rights of man” (6). He then traveled to New England, where he fell under the spell of William Lloyd Garrison, an American statesman and abolitionist.
Throughout this time, Douglass, as a firm Garrisonian, distanced himself from politics directly and took a pacifistic, intellectual approach to abolition. He had a cool relationship towards the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, which he condemned as a “pro-slavery charter” (10). It was not until he began a correspondence with Gerrit Smith that Douglass began to shift his views on the Constitution—which was “not a pro-slavery instrument”—as well as the role of politics in abolitionism: “[W]e should not be slow in using the ballot box against the system of slavery, or urging others to do so” (19).
The chapter continues to discuss the beginnings of Douglass’s entrance into American politics, his allegiance towards the Liberty Party but allure towards the newly founded Republican Party, and the effects that the Dred Scott Decision of 1857 had on his political thinking. Ultimately, Chapter 1 sets up Douglass as a man of conviction but one confused as to what his role both as an American and voice for abolitionism should be.
Introduction - Chapter 1 Analysis
The Radical and the Republican is a rather unique book that tries to do a few things. First, James Oakes wants to remove the reader from a present-day mindset and all that comes with it. Often times, readers will filter what they read through the modern lens, i.e. they will judge historical figures and events based upon their own contemporary convictions and morals. This can often be problematic, as social codes and change over time, as does popular opinion. Because of this, what might have been once considered radical can, at a later date, be seen as regressive, dogmatic, or even flat out ignorant. Oakes wants to avoid this at all costs, because it is impossible to have an object conversation on the notion of slavery in America if the reader approaches the subject knowing that it is wrong. The point of the book is to discuss a time when a vast majority of the public either had no problem with the institution of slavery or didn’t need to think about it. Therefore, to understand slavery and the zeitgeist from this frame of mind allows readers to immerse themselves in the world of mid-19th century America and better understand how and why the main actors in The Radical and the Republican behaved the way that they did.
Moreover, Oakes wants the reader to avoid lionizing historical figures. Yes, posterity has told us that Abraham Lincoln and Frederick Douglass were great men, but too often great men, especially those who have done good, are whitewashed. People forget that they, too, were complex and contradictory human beings capable of deep feeling and even confusion as to what was right.
Furthermore, the Introduction and Chapter 1 train readers for how they are to read the book. This is not going to be a work with a grand thesis. Instead, it is going to be a character study of two men, the goal of which is to trace how they arrived at their final positions regarding slavery and the role of African-Americans in America. Again, Oakes wants to show that Lincoln and Douglass were complex individuals, not merely “moral giants” who always knew what was best and acted accordingly. Finally, Oakes also desires to showcase all that is positive with the American system of democracy, especially how compromise lies at the heart of all functioning liberal democratic governments—without compromise, there can be no progress. He also wishes to highlight how, compromise, by its very nature, can slow down progress because it is not beholden to those radicals who would have change immediately enacted. Rather, it appeals to those conservative elements that must first be convinced and placated before compromise can be agreed upon and put in place.
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