41 pages 1 hour read

The Post-American World

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2008

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Themes

The Diffusion of Global Power

Zakaria’s principal thesis is that as the global economy grows, power is spreading into more and more hands. This is ending the period of American hegemony, which has lasted since the end of the Cold War—or arguably since World War II, as the US economy was also vastly more powerful than that of the Soviet Union. This is partially due to American mistakes; the financial crisis of 2008 was an unequivocal example of financial recklessness that delegitimized decades’ worth of Wall Street orthodoxies. On the whole, however, it is a structural phenomenon reflecting broad historical trends. It is, in many respects, a logical follow-up to the era of American hegemony, which accelerated a process of globalization whereby the habits of capitalism, the English language, and shared modes of popular culture became universalized. Specific practices, like the free flow of capital across boundaries and aggressive efforts by central banks to combat inflation, helped to unleash the massive potential of developing economies. Once the West taught the rest of the world how to inhabit a “more open, connected, exacting international environment […] they […] also g[ave] countries everywhere fresh opportunities to start moving up the ladder of growth and prosperity” (28), therefore standing on their own without requiring support or instruction from the West.

Just as power is diffusing away from the traditionally dominant powers and moving toward rising nations such as China, India, South Africa, Brazil, and Indonesia, power is at the same time diffusing away from the state itself and moving toward a diverse set of actors. CEOs of multinational corporations, nongovernmental organizations, and even malignant actors like drug cartels and terrorist organizations can operate within a globalized world to advance their interests, while states are often restricted to their borders or citizens. Even a country like China, which maintains an autocratic system under the rule of the Communist Party, is more of an example of “decentralized development” where there is extensive cooperation between the capital and the provinces. China also makes itself open to foreign capital, knowing that it needs good relations with Western businesses to achieve national prosperity. The movement of power away from the state points to the need for extensive cooperation among state and non-state actors to tackle challenges such as climate change, which is itself the consequence of a globalized system. Zakaria is cautiously optimistic that the same forces that have brought about unprecedented prosperity for an unprecedented number of people can also mitigate its negative externalities and usher in a bright future.

Modernization Versus Political Traditions

Zakaria voices one of the great dilemmas in the contemporary world: “Can you be modern without being Western? How different are the two? Will international life be substantially different in a world in which the non-Western powers have enormous weight?” (86). The answer is complex. There can be no denying that the initial process of modernization happened under largely Western auspices. According to the theory of “path dependency,” it is usually easier to preserve certain institutions to which people have become accustomed than to scrap them in favor of new ones. Therefore, certain Western habits in dress, legal customs, and entertainment conventions will continue to prevail, even as the West declines in relative power, because they are already embedded into worldwide practices. 

Some worry that modernization will bring about a kind of monoculture, wiping out traditional ways of life and replacing them with similar tastes across cultural lines. In response, Zakaria offers the potentially surprising response that this could be a welcome development: the replacement of an exclusive and hierarchical system with a more egalitarian one. He recalls the lifestyle of historically poorer populaces, such as French peasants or past Chinese villagers, and points out that they would’ve had little to no capacity to enjoy what contemporary people may honor as staples of their culture, dwindling as they may be. Their traditions gave way to newer trends, and “[t]he new mass culture has become the most important culture because, in a democratic age, quantity trumps quality” (91). Zakaria does not devalue this heritage for any people, but he seeks to reframe how the development of culture toward globalization should be viewed.

This is not to say that modernization will obliterate traditional cultures or turn the entire world into a facsimile of the West. The West may have modernized first, but there are now more agents than ever with the power to shape it. China, for good or ill, has tried to repackage free-market capitalism to reconcile with Confucian notions of social order, along with the interest in preserving the Communist Party’s monopoly on power. India’s modernization has done little to change its ethnic diversity—the spread of English has only made it easier for these various peoples to work together. Modernization has always borne the imprint of those who had the most power to shape it, and while that has traditionally been Western powers, the scales are beginning to tip toward “the rest.” They will in turn be able to influence how Western nations experience modernity.

American Power in a Post-Hegemonic World

America has a significant role to play in a post-American world. At first glance, The Post-American World looks like a prediction of American decline. Even if the title is not to be taken literally, it strongly suggests a world wherein the US plays a much less significant role. It may therefore come as a surprise that the two closing chapters of the book are essentially a guide for the United States to retain the greatest possible position on the world stage, even if the end of its hegemonic era is all but assured.

Zakaria acknowledges that it is not simply a matter of the US losing out in relative terms to emerging markets—the US does have very specific and very severe problems that it will need to address if it is going to wield power in the coming world. The main problem is that it is used to setting the tone for everyone else, failing to realize that they are fast catching up. Zakaria writes that “American legislators rarely think about the rest of the world when writing laws, regulations, and policies. American officials rarely refer to global standards […] but now everyone is playing America’s game, and playing to win” (223). Making the necessary reforms will be difficult because its political system is explicitly designed to make change difficult, reflecting as it does the anti-majoritarian instincts of the 18th century.

The most concerning development is America’s stubborn refusal to accept the fact that its hegemony cannot last forever and the resulting temptation to become an empire to preserve its lofty position. This trend was already underway when the 9/11 attacks reinforced it. The threat of terrorism and subsequent invasion of Afghanistan “heightened the aura of American omnipotence, emboldening the most hard-line elements in the [George W. Bush] administration,” who came to believe that the US “was the new global empire that would create a new reality” (247). Given the devastating impacts of the Iraq War, there was reason to hope that the US (under the then-incoming administration of Barack Obama) would abandon dreams of empire. Instead, it could restore the habits of careful diplomacy and benign leadership that Zakaria sees as informing the bulk of American history. He acknowledges that the future holds many challenges but that some of the answers lie in the lessons of the past.

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