47 pages 1 hour read

The End of Poverty: Economic Possibilities for Our Time

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2005

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Chapters 15-18Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 15 Summary: “Can the Rich Afford to Help the Poor?”

Sachs asserts that it is in the long-term self-interest of rich countries to provide the assistance needed to eliminate extreme poverty. He also walks through the calculations to understand how much it will cost wealthy nations to eliminate poverty, reaching the same conclusion—that it is worth it any way he looks at it.

A first cut, giving a rough sense of the matter, shows that rich countries could insure every person on the planet has basic needs met for a total of $124 billion per year at a time when the annual income of the donor countries totaled approximately $20.2 trillion. Paying for the needs of the extremely poor to make up a deficit is not the approach that Sachs advocates by any means, but the difference between $20.2 trillion and $124 billion highlights the difference in scale between the rich countries’ resources and the poorest countries’ needs.

To make the case for bringing the extreme poor up to that first rung, however, requires additional methods of calculating cost. Sachs employs a method based on needs and World Bank data to suggest that $110 per person in need per year provides a reasonable estimate for three African countries, and he provides graphic justification for the number (296-98).

The estimated total necessary to lift the extreme poor to the first rung on the ladder of economic development is a net aid transfer of $135 billion to $195 billion annually. This number is about one-half of 1% of total rich country GDP, and it is less than the donor countries have already pledged.

In fact, the amount is small enough that it could be raised by the 400 highest income taxpayers in the United States each donating 10% of their annual income. That is an unlikely outcome, but it puts in perspective how much money is actually required to lift 1 billion people out of poverty so dire that they face death almost daily—merely 10% of the income of 400 wealthy Americans.

Chapter 16 Summary: “Myths and Magic Bullets”

Sachs takes on the counterarguments to investing the funds necessary to end extreme poverty. As the chapter title implies, he asserts that all these arguments are misguided, misinformed, or otherwise missing the point.

The problem, however, is that many believe myths about the causes of poverty and the likely effect of investing to eradicate poverty. They run the gamut from the idea that any aid to Africa is money down the drain because it would fail to the idea that “economic freedom” is the best means of solving the problem.

Sachs’s argument up to this point has largely addressed the problems in this chapter, but they are directly and painstakingly refuted here, one after the other.

The refutation relies on the types of considerations used throughout the book. For example, in refuting the “magic bullet” that we need not worry about extreme poverty because increasing our own wealth will supposedly be a “rising tide that lifts all boats,” Sachs exposes the lie to this concept by citing the prior discussion of African geography, which has a lot to do with why those in sub-Saharan Africa do not necessarily benefit from increased sea trade.

Chapter 17 Summary: “Why We Should Do It”

In the penultimate chapter Sachs takes on “the American investment decision to back military rather than other approaches to international relations” following September 11 (329). In so doing, the chapter provides a more general justification for Sachs’s goal of eliminating extreme poverty within a generation.

Sachs observes that Americans frequently overestimate the amount of foreign aid the United States gives. At the same time, they falsely believe that the US military can create security for Americans without stabilizing other parts of the world. Third, Sachs decries the view held by some that we are entering a period of war between cultures. He maintains that the evidence demonstrates that poverty elsewhere in the world is linked to threats to US national security and that, politically, there is general support for addressing poverty among US voters.

The chapter also discusses, in some detail, evidence that economic failure frequently causes a state to fail. Although that is not the only reason states may fail, Sachs buttresses the point with evidence linking economic security with a higher probability of developing robust democratic institutions of government.

From there, the chapter surveys the United States’ promises of aid that remain unfulfilled, along with opportunities to meet those unmet objectives and to end poverty. Ultimately, the chapter concludes that ending extreme poverty is the key contribution that Sachs’s generation can make to the world to achieve meaningful long-term improvement of the human condition.

Chapter 18 Summary: “Our Generation’s Challenge”

The final chapter connects Sachs’s goal of ending extreme poverty with Enlightenment ideas of republican government, an economy that benefits the people, aspiration toward global peace through international governance, and emphasis on science and technology to improve quality of life. All these goals, Sachs explains, were conceived of by Enlightenment thinkers as forms of social progress that should be universal.

Sachs places his goal as the appropriate extension of the Enlightenment ideals upon with the United States was founded. In other words, ending extreme poverty is the means of carrying forward Enlightenment ideals into “our generation.”

Having situated his goal of ending poverty, Sachs turns to the arguments raised by the antiglobalization movement that gained attention during protests in Seattle in 1999. Although he identifies with the “legitimate moral outrage” of the movement, preferring it to what he calls the “complacency of the rich” (355) evident in national governments and institutions like the IMF, Sachs maintains that their targets are misguided. Rather than opposing multinational corporations per se, Sachs argues that those concerned with the negative impacts from globalization to date should focus on developing an “enlightened globalization” going forward.

From there, Sachs surveys historical movements for social improvements, drawing inspiration for the challenge that he poses for his generation. He briefly discusses the end of slavery, the end of colonialism, and the civil rights movement to place his call in the tradition of them.

Finally, Sachs outlines the next steps required to realize his vision. These range from a “[commitment] to ending poverty” to “[raising] the voice of the poor” and “[rescuing] the IMF and the World Bank” (366). Further, while Sachs calls for a specific plan of action, and proposes one in this book, the next steps that he envisions also include broad aspirations such as “[promoting] sustainable development” and “[making] a personal commitment” (367).

Chapters 15-18 Analysis

Sachs counters the anticipated opposition to his proposal for ending extreme poverty, then provides a closing call to action that situates it historically and philosophically. These final chapters contain echoes of the first chapters, but they also make a much more political pitch in hope of inspiring action that builds on the confidence Sachs generated earlier by relaying his story and prescribing an economic approach to eliminate extreme poverty.

In Chapter 15 Sachs counters the political argument that ending poverty would cost too much. Overall, he argues that not ending poverty is far more costly. The groundwork for that point is solidified by casting the total sums needed in several comparative formats to show that, when viewed within the context of rich country incomes, the expense of ending poverty is remarkably low.

In the next couple of chapters, Sachs points to the failure of states (a hot topic after the September 11, 2001 attacks) following their economic crises to illustrate the risk of not ending poverty. Moreover, Sachs directly counters views that would cast the extremely poor as not worthy of rich country resources or capable of using them to raise their own economic status over time. In so doing, Sachs asserts that it is in the interest of rich countries to provide aid toward the end of poverty. Further, he presents the alternative arguments as “myths and magic bullets,” thereby casting his approach as the most rationale and scientifically sound.

Finally, Sachs returns to the moral roots of his call while also addressing the arguments of antiglobalization activists prominent at the time. Sachs invites them into his vision by legitimizing much of their moral outrage, then providing a rational argument that their shared goals can be more effectively met by using trade and technology to end poverty.

Sachs also casts his call to his generation as an evolution from some of the most important Enlightenment ideals. Thus, he suggests that the ideas of Thomas Jefferson, John Locke, Adam Smith, and Immanuel Kant find expression in his goal of ending poverty. Further, he discusses several of the great social movements of the last two centuries (including the antislavery and civil rights movements) as predecessors to the movement to end poverty that he hopes the book will help ignite.

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