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Graeber, a respected anthropologist, was also a committed social activist, participating in such movements as the Occupy Wall Street protests in 2011. He is credited for having coined the movement’s rallying phrase, “We are the 99%.” Throughout his career at Yale and later at the London School of Economics, Graeber was concerned with social inequality and its effects on individuals as well as political systems. His best-known works are Debt: The First 5,000 Years, published in 2011 which explores how debt functions within social institutions throughout history and Bullshit Jobs: A Theory, published in 2015. This latter work posits that there has been an increasing abundance of “paid employment that is so completely pointless, unnecessary, or pernicious that even the employee cannot justify its existence.”
His scholarship has consistently been critical of institutions and uneven structures of political power. He is considered one of the most prominent left-leaning anthropologists in the field, with work that questions—as it does quite deeply and widely in The Dawn of Everything—the underlying assumptions and prevailing ideas of academic anthropology. An early work, Fragments of an Anarchist Archeology, from 2004, reveals these scholarly preoccupations and contrarian tendencies. His work was recognized by the Society for Cultural Anthropology, winning the Bateson Book Prize, as well as the Bread and Roses Award, for Debt, which is given to the most radical book of the year by the British literary establishment. Graeber was interested in conquering the problem of social inequality, to which both his scholarship and activism attests. He passed away unexpectedly on vacation in Venice shortly before the publication of The Dawn of Everything.
Wengrow is a comparative archeologist; he teaches at University College London and has been a visiting professor at New York University and distinguished visitor at the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His specialty is conducting fieldwork in various regions in Africa and the Middle East. He has published several works, including What Makes Civilization?: The Ancient Near East and the Future of the West, published in 2010, and The Origins of Monsters: Image and Cognition in the First Age of Mechanical Reproduction, published in 2014. His scholarship is primarily focused on the emergence of the first civilizations and states, as well as the cultural creations, such as writing and art, that arise from these early social arrangements. As the title of the first publication listed above makes clear, Wengrow is interested in the ways in which the earliest human societies provide a framework of possibilities for the modern world—as in the basic premise of The Dawn of Everything. He has received recognition for his scholarship, including the Antiquity Prize, awarded by the journal Antiquity for outstanding work in the field of archeology.
Wengrow writes, in his “Foreword and Dedication” to The Dawn of Everything, that he and Graeber had conceived of the project as a series of works: “Realizing we didn’t want to end the intellectual journey that we’d embarked on, and that many of the concepts introduced in this book would benefit from further development and exemplification, we planned to write sequels: no less than three” (ix). Whether Wengrow will continue the work on his own is uncertain. As he also notes in this introduction to the book, “[w]e would often lose track of who came up with what idea or which new set of facts and examples [. . .] The result is not a patchwork but a true synthesis” (ix).
Hobbes is an influential political philosopher and erstwhile historian. Born in England just before the famous defeat of the Spanish Armada under Queen Elizabeth I and living through the English Civil War (1642-1651) and Interregnum (1649-1660) periods, Hobbes witnessed some of the most tumultuous events in English history, shaping his rather pessimistic political beliefs. His most famous work, Leviathan, was published during the Civil War, in 1651. Its most famous line—that life is “nasty, brutish, and short”—has been quoted and parsed for centuries. Graeber and Wengrow argue that Hobbes’s influence still impacts political thinking today, by making “wistful pessimism about the human condition seem like common sense” (7). That influence, they suggest, obscures the facts now being uncovered in their respective fields; these facts instead suggest that humans have had a great deal more agency in building societies and creating civilizations according to their own very specific value systems.
Hobbes’s philosophy essentially makes the importance of the state—its sovereign and administrative control—loom especially large over human societies. That is, without the force and control of the state, humans exist in a continuous state of warfare over resources and supremacy: “The political implications of the Hobbesian model need little elaboration,” Graeber and Wengrow write. “It is a foundational assumption of our economic system that humans are at base somewhat nasty and selfish creatures, basing their decisions on cynical, egotistic calculation rather than altruism or cooperation” (6). Graeber and Wengrow aim to disrupt the Hobbesian influence over the story of human history, showing that much recent evidence reveals the success of early egalitarian communities throughout the world. Human societies, it seems, are more capable of altruism than Hobbes, with his shattering experiences of Civil War and exile, could imagine.
Rousseau, a French-speaking Swiss philosopher, has an even greater influence over modern political thinking than Hobbes, Graeber and Wengrow argue. His Discourse on the Origin and the Foundation of Inequality Among Mankind continues to exert an extraordinary amount of sway over contemporary long-history accounts of the origins of human societies and nation-states, with all their attendant ills.
Basically, Rousseau suggested that humankind once existed in a “State of Nature,” innocent of the trappings of civilization, living in egalitarian harmony. Upon the rise of modernity and specific social institutions, that innocence dissipated, and humans were chained to the demands of civil societies and political authorities. Graeber and Wengrow relay how Rousseau’s story has been picked up by modern historians like Jared Diamond and political scientists like Francis Fukuyama: “Once upon a time, the story goes, we were hunter-gatherers, living in a prolonged state of childlike innocence, in tiny bands. These bands were egalitarian; they could be for the very reason that they were so small. It was only after the ‘Agricultural Revolution,’ and then still more the rise of cities, that this happy condition came to an end, ushering in ‘civilization’ and ‘the state’” (2). These things inevitably also brought with them “almost everything bad in human life: patriarchy, standing armies, mass executions and annoying bureaucrats” (2). The author’s use of fairy-tale language to recount the conventional story of human history belies their disdain. The archeological and anthropological evidence just does not support this version of events.
In addition, Rousseau’s ideas suggest that the rise of larger, more complex civilizations also (and inexorably) give rise to the problem of social inequality. The authors instead argue that the historical truth is both more complicated and more surprising; indeed, their ideas could be construed as radical. They suggest that there is no one origin of social inequality or of the state. Moreover, there was no “Agricultural Revolution,” and early human societies displayed a great deal of individual autonomy. While Graeber and Wengrow give credit to both Hobbes and Rousseau for their lasting contributions to political and social philosophy, they intend to disrupt what they consider reductive ways of thinking about human history: “Hobbes and Rousseau told their contemporaries things that were startling, profound and opened new doors of the imagination. Now their ideas are just tired common sense” (21). Graeber and Wengrow, in contrast, provide a plethora of new evidence of more complicated realities to support their “new history of humanity.”
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