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One of the things Gawande learned about the construction industry is the way it decentralizes decision-making. He examines the American government’s response to Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and suggests that many of the failures of this response stemmed from a failed model of top-down command. He then points to Wal-Mart’s response, which delegated authority to individual store managers. This proved a more effective response than that of the federal government. Because communication was a problem during Hurricane Katrina, top-down command structure proved inadequate. With the freedom to follow their instincts, Wal-Mart’s store leaders illustrated the importance of adaptability in complex situations. Wal-Mart was able to provide immediate relief to first-responders in a way that the federal and state governments could not.
Gawande discusses how seemingly everywhere he looked, checklists were the norm. He mentions the infamous “Brown M&M” incident made famous by musician David Lee Roth of the rock band Van Halen. Roth included an odd request (the removal of brown M&Ms from a bowl of M&Ms) as a means of ensuring the checklist for Van Halen performances was followed. If he discovered brown M&Ms, he knew the checklist was not followed. Because of the magnitude of Van Halen shows, one misstep could lead to injury. Gawande then visits Joy Adams, the owner of a restaurant called Rialto. Like his observation of the construction industry, Gawande witnessed how restaurant staff communicate with each other, and how checklists play into this routine. He also discovered that in addition to checklists that help prevent simple mistakes, the restaurant staff held meetings in which they tried to anticipate problems and speak openly about other concerns. Effectively, this served as Rialto’s version of a submittal schedule (Chapter 3). Like construction and medicine, the restaurant industry also has its own specialization of kitchen tasks. Gawande closes Chapter 4 by suggesting that his own profession use checklists more often.
In 2006, Gawande was asked by a representative of the World Health Organization (WHO) to help investigate and develop protocols to reduce “avoidable deaths from surgeries” (86). Gawande shares statistics regarding how many people receive surgery worldwide, and how many of these people have negative experiences from surgery, including death. He contends that because of the sheer amount of surgeries being performed, it is likely that without a universally accepted system in place, negative outcomes could continue. He discusses his participation in a two-day Geneva conference in 2007. People from around the world chronicled the various issues they experienced in their native countries when it came to surgery. These problems ranged from lack of access to surgery itself, lack of qualified personnel performing complex surgeries, and an overall discontinuity between surgeons, nurses, and anesthesiologists. While participants generally agreed that surgery should be available to all, even if performed by underqualified doctors, the high rate of complications from surgeries, some five to fifteen percent worldwide, was unacceptable.
Those at the conference discussed possible approaches to remedy the situation. Possible solutions included more training (which was dismissed), incentive programs for surgeons (which was deemed unreliable), and the establishment of an official standard of surgical care. The last approach was generally agreed upon, but Gawande worried about feasibility. He delves into how a cholera outbreak in London in 1854 was traced to a single well. Once the well was shut down, the outbreak ended. Gawande then discusses an experiment conducted by public health expert Stephen Luby in Karachi, Pakistan. Luby persuaded health-based corporation Proctor & Gamble to donate a new soap they developed and promised would protect against bacterial infection. As the program was launched in some of Karachi’s impoverished neighborhoods, maladies such as diarrhea and pneumonia all decreased dramatically. Both the new soap and its instructions detailing proper hand-washing helped.
Gawande discusses three places where checklists proved effective at reducing complications from surgery: Johns Hopkins, University of Toronto, and a group of hospitals in Southern California. Though the results of using checklists in these three places were promising, Gawande recognizes that oftentimes, checklists decentralize authority, and this can be problematic for a head surgeon. Gawande discusses how the checklist helps forge a better sense of teamwork and ultimately democratizes surgery; nurses have the authority to verify a list just like a surgeon has the authority to make incisions. The checklist makes a surgical procedure far more team-oriented. Gawande goes on to discuss perceptions among surgical professionals, including nurses and anesthesiologists, and cites studies that show a discrepancy between surgeons and other professionals’ perception of a completed surgery.
Gawande recalls a story from his own experience in which an 80-year-old patient needed life-saving surgery on his colon. Everyone involved in the procedure acted their part, and in the end, Gawande says all six members of the team acted as one. He confesses that he is uncertain what causes such unity, but insists that when everyone involved in a surgery feel part of a team, the chances of mistakes are reduced. He returns to the conference in Geneva, in which it was agreed that a checklist for safe surgery practices should be designed. It was decided that there should be three “pause points” during which a checklist is performed: before the application of anesthesia, before the incision, and after the operation concludes. When Gawande returns to his own hospital, he is excited to implement his checklist. However, he found that the checklist itself was faulty, mainly because it lacked specificity and clarity, which meant it would likely affect other hospitals where it was implemented.
Before Gawande examines the American government’s response to Hurricane Katrina, he mentions a critical point he learned from project manager Finn O’Sullivan (Chapter 3). The checklist doesn’t just protect against blunders, it decentralizes authority. It makes all members of a team responsible in an endeavor. The checklist delegates responsibility, and what results is a more cohesive approach to problem-solving than a traditional top-down command structure. This structure is what hindered the federal response to Hurricane Katrina: “The federal government wouldn’t yield the power to the state government. The state government wouldn’t give it to the local government. And no one would give it to people in the private sector” (75). Without clear communication and the freedom to act on their own, various leaders failed to respond to the tragedy in a timely manner. Hurricane Katrina shows the consequences of outdated structures when it comes to complex, evolving environments. Gawande contrasts the federal government’s response with that of Wal-Mart: “Senior Wal-Mart officials concentrated on setting goals, measuring progress, and maintaining communication lines with employees at the front lines and with official agencies when they could” (76). While this quote doesn’t include the word “checklist,” it’s clear that the Wal-Mart officials established and followed their own set of rules. Gawande describes some of the benefits of this management approach, including the fact that the Wal-Mart officials “were able to supply water and food to refugees and even to the National Guard a day before the government appeared on the scene” (78). Overall, the traditional top-down command structure is not as effective as one that fosters communication across different levels of a team.
In Chapter 5, Gawande discusses his involvement with the World Health Organization (WHO). He had been tasked with finding possible solutions to the increase in unsafe surgical practices worldwide. He studies the work of Stephen Luby, a public health expert who helped reduce disease in Karachi, Pakistan, by providing soap to impoverished areas (as preventative medicine is just as integral to curing diseases as vaccines and such). This decision taught Gawande that an expensive, high-tech solution is not always needed to rectify a problem. He also realized “[…] the soap was more than soap. It was a behavior-change delivery vehicle” (96) with clear instructions for hand-washing. Adherence to these instructions, in Luby’s opinion, was what truly led to the success of the program; a checklist largely contributed to this success. Gawande sees in Luby’s endeavor as the solution to the WHO’s concerns about surgical practices.



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