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The boat journey that brings the women from Japan to America is an important factor in establishing their collective identity and voice. The novel’s first sentence— “[O]n the boat we were mostly virgins” (vii)—immediately communicates the idea of a generation of women who are united in their journey and overall lack of sexual experience. Although a handful of the women are not virgins, and although they vary in age between 12 and 37, the boat journey and their shared anticipation of immigration and marriage unite them. The proximity of their situations, coupled with the proximity of their bodies on the boat “in steerage, where it [is] filthy and dim […] and the darkness filled with whispers” forces intimacy upon the women (4), who share their stories and identify with one another despite their differences.
At the same time, the voyage, where the women are at leisure to talk, have romances with boathands, and question an Englishman about what life in America will be like, is a unique moment in the women’s lives: a time and a place where their own individual subjectivity can flourish unhampered by labor and duty. It thus contrasts with their lives in Japan, where they were expected to be subordinate to the males in their families, and later with their lives in America, where they suppress their own needs in order to fulfil those of their husbands and employers. The expansiveness of the oceanic horizon, where the experience of seeing dolphins and whales is “like looking into the eye of the Buddha” (13), accompanies a sense of internal expansiveness and the feeling that anything is possible. In some cases the women, who have become pregnant by boathands or sexually experimented with each other, find themselves fundamentally altered by the journey—that is, the journey individuates them in significant ways even as it draws them together.
As the first-person plural voice continues even when the women are dispersed into marriages all over the Pacific coast, we get the impression that they remain in touch through some ambiguous means. Whether through letter writing, exchanging information as they cross each other in the street, or even telepathy, the first-person plural narrative implies that the women remain a generation who know each other’s unique fates and in some sense share a common destiny. The fact that they are witnesses to each other’s experiences and feelings prevents them from vanishing into the depersonalized identity that capitalist labor forces them into. The mutual witnessing also protects them from diminishment by husbands who barely speak to them and children who dismiss them as shabby and irrelevant.
Immediately following the Pearl Harbor attack, the women forgo aspects of their intimacy, refusing to speak Japanese or to stop and chat when they pass each other in the streets in case onlookers think they are sharing secrets. In order to seem less Japanese, the women must be less like each other; they mutually reinforce each other’s foreignness. This points to a tension and an irony in the women’s group identity; although belonging to this community is often what prevents them from vanishing into other collectives (as wives, workers, etc.), this belonging reads as sameness to white America, which treats the women as undifferentiated enemies.
The women’s estrangement ends when they are collectively rounded up and forced to board another vehicle together to travel to another destination they know nothing about. Whereas false hope characterized the women’s journey to America, this time they are certain that they are going to a place of punishment. However, despite the dire circumstances of their departure, the occasion gives the women the opportunity to look and study each other; in the years they have spent apart, their lives have shaped them in unique and important ways. On this far sadder journey, there is some optimism in the women’s continued sense of themselves as a community; they are less lonely and more real because they understand each other in ways that those who did not share that original boat journey cannot.
In her 2020 book Minor Feelings: A Reckoning on Race and the Asian Condition, the Korean American writer Cathy Park Hong describes how Asian Americans occupy a unique position in relation to both white people and other people of color. Hong describes Asians as middlemen who, though not equal in power to white people, are white people’s closest collaborators in reinforcing their own privilege and keeping other people of color down. While Hong is writing about contemporary America and Otsuka about the early 20th century, Otsuka’s portrayal of the Japanese women’s relationship with their white employers indicates that the seeds for this phenomenon are already being planted.
Although the Japanese women hired as white women’s personal maids are initially so embarrassed about their position that they do not mention it in their letters to Japan, they soon realize that they are relatively privileged. The white employers assign them above-stairs chores where they remain visible, while they force their Black maids into the obscurity and anonymity of below-stairs duties. While the history of slavery and segregation makes the relationship between the Black women and their white employers fraught, the Japanese women seem a fresh, exotic import to the white women. These white women treat their Japanese maids like dolls or pets, renaming them and bragging about them to their neighbors. A common boast is “that girl never stops until she gets the job done” (40). Although this appears to be a compliment, it actually depersonalizes the Japanese maids by reducing the subjectivity of full-grown women to that of obedient girls, while also reinforcing the stereotype of Asians as servile hard-workers. The young Japanese women feel uncertain as to how to respond when their white employers “claim[] to like [them] much more than they [do] any of the others” and say that “no better class of help can be found” (40). On the one hand, they are flattered to be higher in the racial hierarchy and to be taken into the confidence of the white women they so admire. However, the maids never fall into the trap of thinking that the relationship is an equal one, especially when the white women dismiss them during pregnancy, or use them as an example of failure when they are encouraging their children to study hard. The culmination of the superficial bond between the Japanese women and their employers comes with internment, when the former’s loyalty is repaid with mistrust and incarceration.
The white men the women encounter respond to them with even more exoticization and objectification than their wives, and this fetishization interacts with the women’s experience of patriarchy in sometimes surprising ways. The women are so deprived of touch by the husbands who have gone cold to them that they often welcome the advances of white men: “[W]hen he led us upstairs to the bedroom and laid us across the bed […] we wept because it had been so long since we’d been held” (45). However, where the women want to feel seen and desired as individuals, the men expect them to behave in racially stereotyped ways; they ask them to put on the kimonos the women have long packed away and to speak Japanese to them. The women who have run away from their husbands to become sex-workers and exotic dancers go a step further, making their exoticism to white men a profession and becoming the stuff of white men’s geisha fantasies when they tell them that they are from “somewhere in Kyoto” (47). However, because they are unhappy in their subordination to their husbands, some women find a level of empowerment in perpetuating a racist fantasy.
That the white men’s interest in the women is a fantasy rather than a reality is evident in their offers to pay for abortions of children that result from the liaisons; ultimately, they also send the women off to find different employment. Meanwhile, the women who have fallen in love with these men suffer the repercussions when the affairs end. One is divorced by her husband and sent back to Japan in shame, while another commits suicide by weighting her white silk wedding kimono with stones and drowning in the sea. While sex with white men is a way in which women who are tired of being dehumanized by their husbands and employers to achieve temporary distinction, they risk losing everything.
Ultimately, although the Japanese women catch their white employers’ imaginations and enjoy privileges that are inaccessible to other women of color, they are still objectified and depersonalized. As Otsuka writes, “[W]e were there when they needed us and when they did not, poof, we were gone” (44). A person who can be summoned and dismissed at will is not truly seen or accepted by the summoner. When the internment causes the women to truly disappear from their employers’ lives, the employers are mildly inconvenienced and complain that women from other ethnic groups do not provide the same quality of service, but they quickly recover from the loss.
The women sail to the United States imagining that they will be leisured housewives whose wealthy husbands will provide for all their material needs. The husbands’ letters allow them to dream that in this country where men open doors for women rather than expecting them to shuffle three steps behind them, they will live in many-roomed houses and have gardens where they can grow their flowers of choice. Thus, the women imagine that they will have the type of life enjoyed by the white women who will eventually become their employers. Though they think that they will be subordinate to their husbands, as their own mothers were to their fathers, they assume that they will be treated with the same dignity and chivalry as other women.
The reality is that America does not provide this middle-class mode of patriarchy to those who do the hard manual labor that white Americans believe is beneath them. While the women’s husbands expect them to perform conjugal duties such as housekeeping and childrearing, their dominance is a performance; they can make their wives’ existences unhappy in many ways, but they themselves are also social subordinates. The ultimate patriarch is the white employer who dictates that the rhythms of family life must fit in with the demands of labor. This is especially evident in the women’s subordination of their children’s needs to their employers’. While the women reproduce to ensure the continuation of their ancestors’ spirits, the contemporary demands of their adopted country need to take precedence if they are to survive; when the children themselves begin working, it becomes clear that the true function of reproduction in a capitalist society is to perpetuate the labor force.
The white employers’ whims and desires also threaten marriage as an ideal and norms of female chastity. Both the women and their husbands know that if the employer expresses sexual interest in the woman and ask her to break her marriage vows, it will be of less inconvenience to the family if she acquiesces; in one scene, a maid who has been paid by her white boss for sexual favors silently hands the money to her husband. Some women find the pretense of subordination to their husbands so unconvincing that they run away from them, capitalizing on their exoticism to white men to earn a living as sex-workers. These women understand that in this new regime, traditional family structures do not serve them.
The women’s children—who have the advantages of fluent English, an American education, and the right to own property—also question traditional family dynamics by seeking to create distance between themselves and their parents. Hostility and lack of understanding develops between the generations, as the parents find the children loud and disrespectful, and the children find their parents poor and parochial. The Nisei see their parents as a source of shame and would prefer to have “real fathers with briefcases who went to work in a suit and tie and only mowed the grass on Sundays. They wanted different and better mothers who did not look so worn out. Can’t you put on a little lipstick?” (75). Here, the Nisei suggest that by not fitting into white gendered stereotypes of success, their parents are not “real” parents who can serve as role models and wield authority over them. Thus, the majority look for inspiration in white America, becoming college students or gangsters and dreaming of careers as doctors or artists in Parisian garrets. Although the Nisei face racism from their white peers, they put their faith in the American Dream that hard work will lead to a change in status over generations.
However, the Nisei’s attempt to put distance between themselves and their parents fails after the attack on Pearl Harbor, as the white authorities refuse to see differences between one person of Japanese origin and another. The internment camp constitutes the final attack on traditional family structures; relatives who should not be separated are (because the men have been sent elsewhere in advance), while adult children who have moved out of the home have to live side-by-side with their parents. Furthermore, traditional hierarchies between family members weaken as the interned become each other’s companions and support.
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