55 pages 1 hour read

Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Chapters 5-7Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 5 Summary: “Supersmart?”

One assumption about superforecasters is that they have above-average intelligence, potentially even falling into the “genius” range. Tetlock and Gardner admit that the 2,800 people who volunteered for the GJP were not exactly a representative sample; these people largely came from academic settings, wanted to devote considerable time to puzzling out questions about Greek bonds and Nigerian politics, and were willing to endure the study requirements (including psychometric testing) for the modest reward of $250. The GJP found that forecasters in general outperformed 70% of the general public in intelligence and knowledge tests, while superforecasters did better than 80%. The authors draw attention to the fact that “the big jumps in intelligence and knowledge are from the public to the forecasters, not from forecasters to superforecasters” (109). While superforecasters have above-average intelligence, the vast majority fall short of being “geniuses.” The conclusion is that while intelligence is a boon, beyond a certain point, intelligence alone does not enhance forecasting ability.

Having addressed the question of intelligence, the authors next explore behaviors. Unlike the general population, superforecasters apply strategic methods to answering questions. For example, the Italian American physicist Enrico Fermi asked his students to estimate the number of piano tuners in Chicago; many people essentially give up when faced with this question, offering a speculative guess, whereas superforecasters immediately ask themselves what other information they need to answer the question. They break down the problem into the number of pianos in Chicago, the frequency with which pianos are tuned, the length of time it takes to tune a piano, and how many hours a year the average piano tuner works. They then make a calculated guess on each of these subquestions and work out a figure for the likely number of piano tuners in Chicago.

Superforecaster Bill Flack did exactly this when presented with the problem of whether the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat had died in 2004 of polonium poisoning. Bill asked himself what it would take for the answer to be yes or no. Rather than falling into the bait-and-switch trap of guessing whether Arafat’s enemies had the means and motives to poison him, Bill went for the outside view and investigated how long it would take for polonium to decay off Arafat’s belongings. Taking the outside view, a common superforecasting practice, means that one avoids getting bogged down in the details of a problem, instead seeking statistics like the base rate (the rate of a particular proclivity within a broader spectrum). Then, superforecasters synthesize their calculations independently and then seek to aggregate their calculations with those of other people. They openly test the opposite view to their favorite one and take the probability of its occurrence seriously.

Personality-wise, superforecasters tend to have a high need for cognition, genuinely enjoying brainteasers like crosswords and sudoku puzzles. Some superforecasters have also taken the “Big Five” personality test, one of the most empirically validated personality inventories; of the big five personality traits, they score highly in “openness to experience,” which includes a love of variety and a thirst for learning about unfamiliar topics. They also have a high ability for self-critical thinking rather than being self-satisfied in the manner of ideologues. The authors conclude that what matters is not what a superforecaster knows, but rather how they use what they know.

Chapter 6 Summary: “Superquants?”

In this age of big data, one might assume that superforecasters have outstanding numerical abilities and can parse complex calculations to make more accurate predictions than the general population. Tetlock admits that he is yet to encounter a superforecaster who does not have an above-average mathematical ability and the capacity to apply the right calculations to a particular problem. While these traits allow superforecasters to use certain math predictively, the authors argue that the most important superforecasting skill is thinking carefully and applying nuanced judgments.

Another trait of superforecasters is being comfortable with the fact that others team members will come up with different numerical estimates for the same problem. The authors cite the example of Leon Panetta, secretary of defense to President Barack Obama, who was delighted that his intelligence officers differed on whether a new suspect in Pakistan was indeed Osama bin Laden. Panetta thought that certainty, even in this context where a yes/no answer would have been preferable, was impossible and not something to fixate on.

When Obama’s intelligence officers presented their estimates, most were 80% sure that the captive was bin Laden, but others’ confidence was as low as 30%. This caused Obama to think that the chance of the captive being identified correctly was “fifty-fifty,” whereas the CIA’s median estimate was 70% (135). The authors speculate that Obama was troubled by the report’s uncertainty and that he may have even reverted to the state of ignorance prior, where he would ignore the report’s information completely. The authors argue that probability is “deeply counterintuitive” in nature, as a forecast for 70% rain also means a forecast of 30% for no rain (139). Thus, if it does not rain, the forecast is still correct. People are only properly able to grasp both possibilities when the split is closer to 50/50.

Twentieth-century science suggests that uncertainty is an inevitable part of reality and that everything is a “maybe” with different numerical levels of probability. Superforecasters are also probabilistic thinkers, who distinguish between epistemic uncertainty (what is unknown but calculable) and aleatory uncertainty (what can never be known). Superforecasters are granular in their estimation of whether something will happen, appreciating that there is a difference in gradations as subtle as between 3% or 4%. Barbara Mellers’s work has shown that granularity is a key predictor of accuracy; thus, forecasters who use percentage gradations of 5 rather than 10 are more likely to be accurate.

When unusual events occur—such as the Big Bang, the World Trade Center attacks of 9/11, or meeting the love of one’s life in a seemingly random circumstance—humans tend to apply mystical thoughts of divine order or platitudes about things being “meant to be.” By contrast, probabilistic thinkers focus less on the why of such events and more on the how. They see even rare events as the consequence of one of myriad paths that an occurrence could have taken. The authors assert that embracing probabilistic thinking allows for more accurate forecasts.

Chapter 7 Summary: “Supernewsjunkies?”

Another trait of superforecasters is that they are interested in incoming news and willing to update their forecasts in light of changing information as many times as necessary, demonstrating a belief that “a forecast that is updated to reflect the latest available information is likely to be closer to the truth than a forecast that isn’t so informed” (153). Although superforecasters update their prognoses far more frequently than average forecasters, skeptics might suspect that superforecasters excel at predictions only because they constantly absorb news. However, Tetlock and Gardner emphasize that superforecasters’ original forecasts were already 50% better than those of their peers, meaning that not all of superforecasters’ success can be attributed to updating. The authors also clarify that updating one’s forecast to accommodate news is a demanding skill in itself.

The key challenge with updating is to update to the right degree. Forecasters must consider all the factors in the incoming news to weigh development. For example, when Bill Flack learned that the Swiss team analyzing the levels of polonium in Yasser Arafat’s body would be late delivering its results, he considered that the delay might be due to something unrelated to the polonium, such as a technician having skipped a day’s work to nurse a hangover. However, Bill had researched polonium and knew that the substance could make a delayed appearance in a corpse. Thus, learning of the examining team’s delay, Bill changed his forecast from 60% certainty that Arafat had polonium poisoning to 65%. When the Swiss team did find polonium in Arafat’s body, Bill’s Brier score was a modest-seeming 0.36, but he still outperformed the predictions of both the Swiss team and IARPA experts.

Though Bill fared well, updating insufficiently or too much in light of incoming news can derail even the best superforecasters. Often, forecasters stumble into bias after becoming attached to a given forecast, failing to update when the news contradicts their favored narrative. On the other hand, forecasters can become distracted by irrelevant information and over-adjust their forecasts. They thus fall prey to what psychologists call the “dilution effect.”

A key technique for overcoming either bias is to update frequently in response to news, but with subtle gradations. This is the practice of Vancouver native Tim Minto, who stands out among the superforecasters for his frequent updates, which are sometimes as many as 50 before a question closes. However, his average update is only 3.5% at a time. This is crucial, as a few small updates would have risked underreaction, while many bold updates would have made him vulnerable to the opposite affliction. While this is the general rule, there are no fail-safe rules in forecasting—superforecasters know that when they have strayed wildly off the mark and over- or underreacted to incoming news, they are better off returning to their initial guess and recalculating from there.

Chapters 5-7 Analysis

The theme of Forecasting: Between Science and Art is prominent in Chapters 5-7, as the authors test common assumptions about superforecasters’ traits to see whether there is a superforecaster “type.” Arguably, if one of the tested traits prevailed—whether above-average intelligence, advanced numeracy, or an obsession with news updates—it might be possible to write a formula for what makes a superforecaster. In each category, the conclusion is yes, superforecasters do possess this trait, but it alone cannot explain their success.

The construct of intelligence is a natural target of conjecture regarding superforecasters, and those assumptions’ fallaciousness is revealing. Many people’s first assumption would be that superforecasters must have above-average intelligence and potentially even be “geniuses”—that 0.25% of the world population who possess an IQ above 140. The authors find that while superforecasters generally do have above-average intelligence, they are very seldom geniuses. Instead, a better indicator that someone is a superforecaster is their high need for cognition. This means that superforecasters are more likely to enjoy puzzles, such as sudoku, that demand creative thinking and tolerance for frustration. Thus, while the GJP has scientific guidelines for evaluating forecasting judgments, the actual problem-solving is a form of creativity; here is the balance between art and science. Then, the criterion of being able to spend time on a problem or delay the satisfaction of reaching a conclusion has more to do with attitude than raw intelligence.

Similar patterns emerge in more specific areas of intelligence. Given the GJP’s preference for numerical forecasts over verbal ones, people might also assume that superforecasters are exceptional mathematicians. While it is true that many of them have previously worked in fields like statistics, science, and information technology, it is the ability to apply the relevant math to a given situation that makes a superforecaster, rather than the ability to perform the most complex calculations. Thus, as with intelligence, it is not the raw knowledge of numbers that matters, but the ability to apply them to diverse situations. This aligns with the inquiry into Hedgehogs and Foxes, as superforecasters are foxlike in their mathematical abilities because they are versatile; hedgehogs, in contrast, might be experts in one sphere of mathematics.

While superforecasters’ aptitude for applied knowledge reveals the need for creativity and versatility, this is especially the case when it comes to updating one’s prediction in light of new information. Forecasters must apply context to determine the new data’s relevance to their question and how much it should impact their estimation of an event’s probability. While the GJP steering group’s initial advice is that frequent, minutely calibrated updates make for more accurate forecasts, there is variation among forecasters. This is the case with Tim Minto, the super-updater, who updates his forecasts far more frequently than his peers but with more minor gradations.

There is no strict formula for forecasting—instead, there are guidelines and many approaches that can be taken within those guidelines. This highlights that superforecasters are not automatons who will soon be replaced by machines; they are individuals who must take personal responsibility for directing and calibrating their judgments. Throughout this whole discussion of superforecaster traits, the authors themselves adopt superforecaster thinking insofar as they challenge assumptions and refuse to oversimplify the situation. Superforecasters may tend to possess a certain trait, but that one trait will never be an exhaustive key. Likewise, while superforecasters collectively may show a significant propensity for various traits, there are no realistic pigeonholes.

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