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Heroin and crack use takes a physical toll on the body. Withdrawal is an excruciating experience, so users seek to avoid becoming “dopesick” at all costs. The use of drugs is divided along racial lines: Crack is associated with Black people who use drugs, along with a form of shooting up called “booting-and-jacking,” or inserting needles directly into the vein; by contrast, white people who use drugs are more likely to give up on shooting into their scarred veins and instead shoot directly into fatty tissue. This results in different physical marks of addiction, depending on race and/or ethnicity. The intersection of addiction, masculinity, and sexuality comes with additional racial differences, as Black and Latino male users claim to be very sexually active, while white users generally trend in the opposite direction, claiming to experience erectile dysfunction.
The healthcare system commits violence against people addicted to substances in a variety of ways. For example, interlocutor Hogan has had several near-death encounters from abscesses, which has attempted to resolve himself due to lack of access to health services. Medical staff treats him and others like him with frustration, nicknaming them “frequent flyers.” Surgeons are less likely to provide “frequent flyers” anesthesia and painkillers for painful procedures, especially if the person they are serving is Black.
Public health campaigns within the neoliberal paradigm hold individuals accountable for their health without seriously acknowledging the ways they are victims of the systems and institutions they work within. The example Bourgois and Schonberg use is a campaign against Hepatitis C, a disease that affects nearly all the addicted people in this area. They were informed how they acquired the illness, but not given any tangible actions to take. As a result, this campaign created a mindset of willful self-destruction among this community, because “being willfully and oppositionally self-destructive feels like an empowering alternative to conceiving of oneself as a sick failure who lacks self-control” (121).
Law enforcement, the main institutional arm to interact with those who experience poverty and addiction, also has a harmful impact.
The chapter ends with the general pain of experiencing addiction and homelessness, impressing upon the reader how desperate of a life these people are living and the damage caused by maltreatment from institutional actors such as nurses and police officers.
This chapter surveys some of the Edgewater residents’ encounters with systems ostensibly meant to ensure their safety, including health care and law enforcement. By asking their interlocutors to describe their experiences with law enforcement and healthcare professionals from their perspective, Bourgois and Schonberg piece together a composite picture of Politically and Institutionally Structured Violence. The researchers pay particular attention here to the way language shapes perception. When healthcare workers refer to patients with addiction as “frequent flyers”—meaning that these individuals visit emergency rooms routinely—they dehumanize them, and this dehumanization has a real, measurable impact on the treatment such patients receive. The symbolic violence of dehumanizing language leads to physical violence in the form of substandard care, with doctors often withholding pain medication.
The Racialization of Poverty, Homelessness, and Addiction is important to consider in this context: It plays a role when people experiencing addiction and homelessness are in contact with healthcare workers and law enforcement, as the authors explore how lived experiences of homelessness and drug addiction are impacted by racial discrimination. The authors use this chapter to elaborate on the ways law enforcement and hospitals contribute to the suffering of their interlocutors and how neoliberal policies have impeded social services. In doing so, they complicate the reader’s understanding of the agency people have within the Edgewater community and take the time to elaborate on the inner workings of the systems and institutions that the Edgewater population interacts with the most regularly.
The chapter addresses the choices the interlocutors make each day, viewing such choices within a framework of structural inequality rather than individual moral judgment. By providing the Edgewater residents’ point of view on public health campaigns and their counterproductive effects, the work questions readers’ assumptions about human dignity and the quest for agency that sometimes forces people experiencing homelessness and addiction to act in self-injurious ways.
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