40 pages 1 hour read

Lafayette in the Somewhat United States

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Pages 1-60Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Pages 1-60 Summary

Sarah Vowell opens the book by giving a brief history of the Marquis de Lafayette, a Frenchman who would become a beloved figure in American history and an important figure in America’s Revolutionary War.

He became a major general in the United States army on July 31, 1777, after devoting himself to the cause of American liberty. He was 19 years old. In 1824, he returned to the United States. More than 80 thousand fans came to greet him at the New York harbor. Vowell later points out that this would have been more than two-thirds of the population of New York. However, relatively few Americans today could explain what Lafayette’s role in the war was or why he was celebrated.

For months, Lafayette toured America. He visited Thomas Jefferson and John Adams and gave speeches. Musicians wrote songs about him, and multiple towns threw parades in his honor. In Philadelphia, he spoke to a crowd of 20 thousand and proclaimed that the initial pursuit of America’s independence had been a change for the social order of the world. He saw in America a society that had, as its guiding principle, the inalienable rights of man.

After participating in the American Revolution, Lafayette returned to France to help with the French Revolution. His war credentials afforded him some respect and made him a stabilizing presence at times. But, during what would be called the Reign of Terror, Austrian troops captured him as he was trying to escape with French radicals. He then spent five years in Austrian prisons.

1824 was a contentious year in America, as a bitter presidential campaign took place. A Connecticut reporter contrasted the venom of the election—won by John Quincy Adams—with the joy of Lafayette’s visit. People traveled in groups to hear him speak or watch him in parades. After Lafayette returned to France, Adams assumed the office, and American politicians returned to the infighting that Vowell argues is a staple of American politics.

In 2013, Vowell followed heated budget debates in Congress. Texas Senator Ted Cruz had refused to pass legislation that would fund the federal government in the approaching year unless there was a delay or repeal of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010. The impasse led to a shutdown of government operations deemed to be inessential in the immediate future, such as national parks. The squabbling among the politicians reminded Vowell of the fighting that occurred during the Constitutional Convention of 1787. She mentions how, on a tour of Independence Hall, she saw a chair popularized by Benjamin Franklin. When reminiscing on the Constitutional Convention, Franklin noted that the chair in which Washington sat had a sun carved into it. Franklin wondered if the sun symbolized an optimistic view or a pessimistic one. After the Constitution was ready for ratification, he concluded it was optimistic.

Vowell believes Lafayette was a unique figure, stemming from the fact that Americans seemed to agree on him. He was not a polarizing figure, and in a divided America, there are few issues—and people—upon which one can expect consensus. Lafayette’s uniqueness was one of the reasons Vowell was initially attracted to him as a subject.

She then backtracks into a history of Lafayette’s childhood. In 1759, Lafayette’s father was killed by a British cannonball before his son’s second birthday. Vowell defines Lafayette’s father’s death as the likeliest motivation for Lafayette to fight against the British in America. On a national level, France had longstanding grudges with Great Britain, and Lafayette’s grudge against the English was a smaller version of the mutual nationalistic loathing shared by the two countries.

When he was eight, Lafayette began hunting a mysterious creature that supposedly terrorized the province of Auvergne where he lived. He hunted the so-called Beast of Gevaudan with zeal. This bravery, and hunger for recognition, would be reflected later in his military service.

Vowell visits the museum at the Château de Chavaniac, near Lafayette’s boyhood home. A man named Monsieur Comte gives her a tour and tells her more about Lafayette’s childhood.

Lafayette’s mother sent him to Paris to study at age 11. She and his grandfather died shortly after Lafayette turned 12, making him a wealthy orphan. After his mother died, Lafayette was sent to Versailles to join the Black Musketeers, a group of the king’s household soldiers. He needed a father figure and craved a closeness to authoritative men of power.

In 1774, Lafayette married a teenager named Adrienne, the daughter of Jean de Noailles, a powerful duke. They were sequestered in separate rooms because of their youth but soon conceived a child. When Lafayette’s daughter Henriette was born in December of 1775, he was already making plans to go to America.

Lafayette continued soldiering during his teenage years. He made connections with powerful men that led to an invitation to join a military branch of the fraternal brotherhood of the Freemasons. He learned about Benjamin Franklin and George Washington—both Masons who were conflicted in regards to the British government. Mason lodges were gathering places where freethinkers—or at least, those who considered themselves freethinkers—could discuss weighty issues of politics, war, and religion.

Lafayette was impressed (and influenced) by Abbé Guillaume Raynal. Raynal had been a Jesuit priest before devoting himself to writing. He was a staunch abolitionist and supporter of oppressed citizens overthrowing their oppressors.

In March 1776, the Continental Congress sent delegate Silas Deane to France to gain French aid during what looked to be an inevitable separation between America and England. The French foreign minister, the Comte de Vergennes, was already planning to secretly fund the Americans, hoping this would weaken the British Empire in the aftermath of the Seven Years War.

On July 8, “Congress adopted what was known as the Olive Branch Petition.” John Dickinson, a lapsed Quaker, was the primary author of the petition, which asked King George III to intervene and support the colonists against the wishes of Parliament. The Olive Branch Petition was the last attempt by moderate figures in Congress to ask the king to intervene and settle the matter. The king refused to read the petition, increased the forces of the British Navy, and prepared to end the conflict as quickly as possible.

Vergennes believed at that point that the rebels were fully committed to the war. If he could secretly fund the Americans, he could avoid overt conflict with England. King Louis XVI agreed to Vergennes’s plan. Vergennes gave Count Pierre Beaumarchais the task of figuring out how to help the Americans without alerting the British. Beaumarchais created a fake business, Rodrige Hortalez & Company, that allowed him to gather funds and redirect the money without arousing suspicion.

That August, a British fleet of more than 400 boats and ships, carrying upwards of 45 thousand British troops, arrived in New York Harbor.

Pages 1-60 Analysis

Vowell uses the beginning of the book to integrate herself as a character and provide the background information on Lafayette. From the outset, the reader learns that Lafayette was “disagreeable” in his efforts to assert his own independence. Disagreeability is a major theme in the book, and in the first 60 pages, with emphasis on disagreeability in politics.

Disagreeability can have various effects, and there are different motivations for it. A disagreeable temperament can lead to fruitless bickering among serial contrarians. Vowell’s summary of the 2013 government shutdown presents disagreeability in an utterly unflattering light, showing it as a trait motivated by greed, stubbornness, grudges, and ignorance. But disagreeability in the spirit of genuine, curious inquiry, or in response to perceived oppression, can be a source of progress.

What Lafayette calls his disagreeability is a microcosm of America’s break from the British Empire. The Revolutionary War is an example of disagreeableness on the grand scale. Americans refused to accept what they perceived as unjust treatment by the British and committed to revolt. Americans fought the war, in Lafayette’s view, to bring about “for the civilized world, the era of a new and of the only true social order founded on the unalienable rights of man” (3).

Political disagreements were at the core of the matter. It is true that the Revolutionary War was the beginning of a new era; a new sovereign state entered the world and had to be integrated into the political and economic global realities. However, Vowell weaves a counter narrative and reminds readers that American history has its hypocrisies. Throughout the book, when discussing slavery, Vowell questions whether America’s history is as civilized as Lafayette claimed, as well as discussing the Founding Fathers’ dubious views on equality and the rights of men.

Vowell’s introduction of Lafayette allows her to discuss the theme of the Revolutionary War as opportunity. Lafayette’s “enthusiasm for glorious deeds” (28) made him a seeker of adventure and danger. The idea of war and combat enthralled him, and the American Revolution added another layer of romance to his notions of combat and honor because a relatively small group of people was attempting to break away from oppressive forces.

By joining the war effort, Lafayette could pursue glory and indulge in what Thomas Jefferson would later call his “canine appetite for popularity” (30). The fact that Lafayette became a wealthy orphan at age 12 surely influenced his decision-making skills. He was an aristocratic child with endless options and bottomless resources. But the loss of his caregivers left an emotional void in him. When Vowell writes that Lafayette “tended to confuse glory with love” (31), it raises the question of why that would be the case. If she is correct, what could lead to the confusion? A lack of love and parental figures is one potential answer.

Without the structure of a family, Vowell shows a young Lafayette who gravitates towards organization and structure. The Freemasons—“de facto clubhouses of the Age of Reason” (35)—provided Lafayette with like-minded individuals who advanced (and inflamed) his ideas about oppression and revolution. Lafayette took every chance to place himself among father figures like Raynal and Washington.

The theme of war as opportunity will further develop later in the book, but in this section, Vowell uses the story of Vergennes to reinforce it on a scale much larger than Lafayette’s adventure seeking. Vergennes—and by extension, the French—held long-standing grudges against Britain. The American Revolution was an opportunity for Lafayette and men like Beaumarchais to undermine the detested British.

Lafayette spoke and wrote frequently of honor and duty. However, he did not apply these lofty concepts to his domestic duties. Lafayette married and conceived a child in France, then abandoned his family. When Vowell writes, “while history might be full of exemplary fathers, recorded history is not where to find them” (36), she is questioning Lafayette’s integrity and highlighting the notion of exemplary fathers.

However mythologized they have become in the hagiographical biographies written about them, the men who pursued American independence and created the American government were still just men. The Founding Fathers squabbled, plotted, held grudges, and sometimes acted as irrationally as any modern-day politician. Part of Vowell’s project in Lafayette is to show that, whatever their political achievements, if the creators of America are father figures, they are not exemplary to the point of earning the unconditional canonization with which they are treated.

Despite Lafayette’s professed disagreeability, Vowell is drawn to him because “he was the rare object of agreement in the ironically named United States.” That “kept [her] coming back to why that made him unique” (24).

Lafayette became an American star who would largely be forgotten by most modern-day Americans. Vowell uses the description of his return to American in 1824 as foreshadowing. The reader knows how popular he will become in America but does not yet know why or whether the popularity will be justified.

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