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Chapter 4 consists of observations Biko made during his tour of Black South African campuses. Based on discussions at student body and SRC meetings, as well as conversations with groups outside leadership circles, it describes shifting attitudes toward social change at Black universities. Biko learned that Black students had grown skeptical of old approaches to their problems, which relied on white people to engender change. He also learned that Black students embraced independence and an awareness that Black people as a group could wield power. Black students were rejecting the notion that Black and white people could be equal partners, instead favoring segregation in their organizations. Black students also wanted to emancipate Black people in the broader community. According to Biko, Black students had good intentions, but lacked skills to create change. Additionally, they were too quick to accept direction from white people.
Chapter 5 is an article titled “I Write What I Like,” which Biko published under the pseudonym Frank Talk in SASO’s August 1970 newsletter. The article, the first of several of that title, is a critique of white liberalism. Biko describes liberals as “Black souls in White skins” (20) because they claim to feel oppression as acutely as Black people. Moreover, he argues that liberals promote a form of racial integration that is harmful to Black people.
Biko critiques the liberal status quo, rejecting the idea that a bilateral approach engaging Black and white people is the only way to end racial oppression. For him, integrated organizations are not reflections of white people’s true beliefs in racial equality, but political responses to growing criticism and discontent. Integrated organizations prioritize white voices over Black ones. White liberals try to please both Black and white people, condemning Black Power as readily as white supremacy. Liberal notions of integration have fooled Black people into believing that change is being effected, while easing white guilt and maintaining the status quo. Instead of working to end racism, white liberals waste time trying to prove that they are liberal.
Biko argues that white liberals should focus on ending white racism by educating themselves and other white people, while Black people should see white liberalism for what it is. He is critical of Black people who look to white people to solve their problems, claiming they are complicit in their own oppression. Instead of accepting liberal versions of integration, he urges Black people to unite and take control of their destinies to achieve real integration.
Chapter 6 is an article Biko published in SASO’s newsletter under the pseudonym Frank Talk. The chapter focuses on the spiritual poverty of Black South Africans, the result of centuries of oppression. Biko argues that white supremacy has reduced Black men to subservient shells and that, therefore, recognizing that The Importance of Pride and Black Consciousness is necessary to change the status quo. He defines Black Consciousness as a movement that helps Black people come to themselves, reinvigorates them, builds pride and dignity, and helps them stop being complicit in their own oppression.
Biko argues that recognizing how white people distort the past is an important step toward developing Black Consciousness. White colonizers reduced African history to tribal conflicts and internecine war, fostering self-hatred in Black people. Rewriting the past to elevate Black heroes and present indigenous culture in a positive light can combat self-hatred. Biko encourages Black people to value African culture, especially its strong sense of community, instead of measuring themselves against white standards. He also challenges Black people to channel their anger in meaningful ways to further their aims. Developing Black Consciousness demands looking critically at white institutions, notably, the church, which must make Christianity relevant to Black people by encouraging them to reject oppression as sinful. In short, Black Consciousness is a re-awakening that must be driven by Black people themselves.
Chapters 4-6 address key aspects of Biko’s activism and the context out of which they emerged. In Chapter 4, Biko describes meeting with Black students across South Africa and listening to their calls for change. These meetings informed Biko’s work with SASO. Biko notes that the students wanted change, but that they lacked the ability to effect it: “Most of the students, while very sure of what they did not like […] lacked a depth of insight into what can be done” (18). According to Biko, students were at a loss that bordered on helplessness: “One found wherever he went the question being asked repeatedly ‘where do we go from here?’” (18). Biko presents the students’ attitudes as evidence of the harmful nature of old approaches to social change, which relied on the direction of white leaders and required no input from Black people: “Our originality and imagination have been dulled to the point where it takes a supreme effort to act logically even in order to follow one’s beliefs and convictions” (18).
While Chapter 4 outlines the desire for change, Chapter 5 provides evidence for the necessity of that change. In other words, the chapters address two aspects of the same issue. Much of Chapter 5 centers on the problem of white liberalism. Biko calls liberals “Black souls in White skins” because they claim “to feel the oppression just as acutely as the blacks and therefore should be jointly involved in the black man’s struggle for a place under the sun” (20). In Biko’s time, most Black organizations in South Africa were run by white people with paternalistic attitudes: “White liberals always knew what was good for the blacks and told them” (20).
Liberals promoted a version of integration that kept white people in leadership positions and Black people subservient: “The integration so achieved is a one-way course, with the whites doing all the talking and the blacks the listening” (20). Biko compares the dynamic between white and Black people to a parent-child relationship, where Black people are “treated as perpetual under-16s” (21). He makes a similar analogy later in the chapter, comparing white people to teachers and Black people to students: “I am against the superior-inferior white/black stratification that makes the white a perpetual teacher and the black a perpetual pupil (and a poor one at that)” (24).
Seeing no future in the liberal approach, Biko urges Black people to reject liberalism and instead embrace The Importance of Pride and Black Consciousness. He anticipates counterarguments to strengthen his position. For example, he refutes the idea that rejecting liberal integration is racist, arguing that racism is “discrimination by a group against another for the purposes of subjugation or maintaining subjugation” (25). Black people do not have the power to subjugate white people. Thus, Black-only groups like SASO are not racist.
Biko uses an analogy to explain his opposition to liberal integration: “It is rather like expecting the slave to work together with the slave-master’s son to remove all the conditions leading to the former’s enslavement” (20-21). Biko hopes that rejecting liberal integration will lead to a true integration based on respect and equality:
Once the various groups within a given community have asserted themselves to the point that mutual respect has to be shown then you have the ingredients for a true and meaningful integration […] Each group must be able to attain its style of existence without encroaching on or being thwarted by another. Out of this mutual respect for each other and complete freedom of self-determination there will obviously arise a genuine fusion of the life-styles of the various groups. This is true integration (21).
Chapter 6 thus introduces The Importance of Pride and Black Consciousness as a central theme in Biko’s activism, with Biko urging Black people to embrace their own agency and to take pride in their history and culture. Black Consciousness is necessary to spur Black people to action. Biko describes the defeatism of contemporary Black people in negative terms: “The type of black man we have today has lost his manhood. Reduced to an obliging shell, he looks with awe at the white power structure and accepts what he regards as the ‘inevitable position’” (28).
Biko’s description becomes even more evocative later in the chapter: “The black man has become a shell, a shadow of man, completely defeated, drowning in his own misery, a slave, an ox bearing the yoke of oppression with sheepish timidity” (29). Only through Black Consciousness can Black people stop being complicit in their own oppression and bring about social change. Revisiting the problem of white liberalism, Biko argues that white people cannot be part the solution, as “[n]o white person can escape being part of the oppressor camp” (23). For these reasons, Biko believes, the key to an equal future lies in the hands of Black people themselves.
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