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Histories

Nonfiction | Book | Adult

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Themes

Freedom Versus Tyranny

The contrast of liberty with despotism is a central theme of the Histories, underlying Herodotus’ grand subject of the conflict between Greece and the barbarian East. The historian presents the war between the Greek confederacy and the Persian empire as a struggle to preserve Hellenic autonomy, individualism, and equality before the law (isonomia) from slavery to an autocrat. The Greeks fight for their own freedom, while the Persians and their vassal states are coerced into participating in the wars by their fear of the Great King. In contrast to the free Greek communities, which value the norms of custom and law, individual responsibility, and deliberation and debate in political affairs, the subjects of the barbarian empires are prey to the arbitrary whims of absolute despots who operate above legal restraint.

Herodotus’ treatment of eastern autocracy is complex, subtle and avoids crude chauvinism. That said, the contrast of Greek values versus oriental despotism is powerfully articulated in Demaratus’ speeches to Xerxes. The Persian king is incapable of understanding the Spartans’ willingness to fight against overwhelming odds without being spurred by the whip. Demaratus emphasizes that for the Lacedaemonians, honor and valor is law, which they fear more than Xerxes’ subjects fear him. They willingly sacrifice themselves for their freedom, following a moral and ethical imperative based in Spartan custom, rather than compulsory obedience to a tyrant. This commitment to the rule of law and the ideal of liberty empowers the Greeks to overcome the numerically superior Persian forces, whose sheer magnitude, Xerxes believes, will awe the Hellenes into submission.

Closely related to the dichotomy of Greek freedom and oriental despotism is the opposition of poverty and wealth. In comparison with the luxurious splendor of the Persian and Lydian courts, the Greeks live in an impoverished country lacking the material wealth and prolific natural resources of the East. Herodotus repeatedly emphasizes the distinction between rugged Greek simplicity and eastern opulence, Hellenic modesty and Egyptian sophistication. After the victory at Plataea, Pausanias arranges a magnificent banquet in the tent of Xerxes alongside a frugal Spartan meal, sardonically commenting that the greed of Xerxes had driven him to try to rob the Greeks of their poverty. The relation of poverty and wealth to freedom and slavery is emphasized in Herodotus’ concluding anecdote about Cyrus the Great. Liberty thrives in poor soil, Cyrus warns the Persians, whereas a rich country breeds soft people. Recalling Demaratus’ speeches to Xerxes, Cyrus’ comment suggests that Herodotus believes the poverty of the Greeks fostered the martial vigor and resilience that enabled them to successfully defend their independence. Herodotus may idealize the nascent Persian empire in the anecdote, yet the irony of the remark has the force of a warning for his contemporary audience.

The conflict of tyranny and freedom characterizes not only the struggle between Greece and the East but applies to political tensions within the Greek city-states as well. Herodotus’ democratic sympathies are evident in his discussion of the overthrow of the Pisistratids and Cleisthenes’ reforms of the Athenian government, as well as in the Persian nobles’ debate on the forms of state rule after the overthrow of the Median impostor. Once Cleisthenes instituted democracy, Herodotus reports, “Athens went from strength to strength” (307), producing the finest fighters in the world, proof that political liberty frees the initiative and energies of men. Equality before the law is noble “not in one respect only, but in all” (307). Over the slowly intensifying course of his narrative, Herodotus implies that the democratic institutions of Athens fostered the political and patriotic energies that enabled it to successfully oppose Persian aggression. By contrast, the evils of tyranny are embodied in the careers of Cypselus and Periander, 7th century BCE tyrants of Corinth, who dispossessed and executed many of their political opponents and citizens. In an eloquent and impassioned speech, the Corinthian Sosicles strongly condemns the Spartan plan to reinstate Hippias as tyrant of Athens, arguing that abolishing popular government to restore despotism is akin to overturning the natural order.

The “constitutional” debate among the Persian nobles in Book 3 is classic Herodotean stagecraft; it is unlikely that such an event occurred or, if it had, that reliable evidence of its content would have been available to the historian. Otanes’ defense of democratic government and condemnation of the evils of monarchy express contemporary Greek political opinion ventriloquized by an estimable Persian. Otanes’ argument that monarchy cannot, theoretically or practically, be ethical, while democracy benefits the people by holding magistrates accountable and enabling open debate, are views that Herodotus shares, as evidenced by pro-Athenian remarks elsewhere in the text. It would be a mistake, however, to read such comments, in which Herodotus explicitly defends or implicitly accepts an Athenian viewpoint, as simple propaganda favoring the Athenian policy of his day. Writing at the time of the Peloponnesian war, when the growth of Athenian power under Pericles had made Athens the “tyrant of Greece,” Herodotus’ treatment of freedom and tyranny in the context of the Persian wars had contemporary political resonance and embodied a cautionary, and occasionally ironic, tone for his audience.

The Mutability of Human Fortune

The instability of human prosperity is another major theme in the Histories. Herodotus emphasizes its significance at the start of his narrative, when he announces he will tell the story of small cities as well as great: “Knowing, therefore, that human prosperity never abides long in the same place, I shall pay attention to both alike” (5). For Herodotus, the mutability of human fortune is an important dynamic of historical change, affecting both nations and individuals. The story of Solon and Croesus epitomizes this belief. The wealthy but improvident Lydian king assumes Solon will declare him the happiest man he has ever seen and is angered when Solon says no man can be considered happy until he has died, because human fortune is notoriously unstable. Solon provides a theological explanation for the instability of man’s well-being: The gods are envious of human prosperity. Shortly thereafter, Croesus undergoes a reversal of fortune; his son is tragically killed, and, as a result of his own short-sightedness, he attacks Persia with catastrophic consequences for himself and the Lydian empire. Cyrus, chastened by the example of Croesus’ fall, rescues the Lydian king from immolation, reflecting on “the instability of human things” (36) and his own vulnerability to a similar fate. Similarly, the Egyptian pharaoh Amasis, prompted by the same knowledge, dissolves his alliance with Polycrates of Samos, realizing his friend’s extraordinary luck will come to a disastrous end.

The theme of “the instability of human things” permeates the Histories and is closely related to the ideas of fate and the punishment of hubris by nemesis. Croesus’ ruin is partly the result of his pride and short-sightedness; Herodotus explicitly states that the gods inflict a nemesis upon him for supposing himself to be the most fortunate of men. It is also Croesus’ fate, because the murder of Candaules by Croesus’ ancestor Gyges was destined to be avenged in Croesus’ lifetime. The death of Cyrus among the Massagetae and the defeat of Darius and Xerxes are reversals shadowed by fate, as their arrogant imperial ambition prompts the nemesis of the gods. Examples of reversals of fortune abound in Herodotus’ narrative: Candaules, Polycrates, Cambyses, Leotychides, Mardonius, Miltiades, among many others, suffer ruin or death after enjoying power, wealth, and influence.

The account of the Spartan king Cleomenes’ deplorable end demonstrates the overdetermination of causes that can operate in such reversals. Cleomenes, who had forced Demaratus from the throne, mutilated himself fatally during his confinement while insane. Herodotus notes that most of the Greeks assumed this was punishment for having corrupted the priestess at Delphi to libel Demaratus, while the Athenians claimed it was for his desecration of the sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone when he marched to Eleusis. The Argives, conversely, claimed it was punishment for his having massacred Argive fugitives seeking sanctuary in a sacred wood that he burned down. While Herodotus repeatedly invokes fate in the reversals of fortune suffered by his characters, he implies a certain freedom of choice in human action. The crimes, immoderate passions, and shortcomings that come before a fall find their source in human nature and desire; the will of the individual is implicated in the fulfillment of his destiny.

Hubris and Nemesis

Intimately related to the mutability of human fortune is the theme of hubris and nemesis (destruction). The traditional concept of the divine punishment of human insolence and pride is a fundamental principle of the Greek religious mind and informs the plots of Athenian tragedy as well as Herodotus’ narrative. Hubris necessitates nemesis, which operates with the inexorable power of fate on the arrogant and sacrilegious. Solon expresses the idea when he tells Croesus early in the narrative that “God is envious of human prosperity and likes to trouble us” (14). In Herodotus, hubris is any overweening act or attitude that trespasses over divinely ordained or natural boundaries. Croesus’ self-centered complacency, Cambyses’ immoral brutality and desecration of the statues of the gods and bodies of the dead, Xerxes’ megalomaniacal arrogance, Cyrus’ imperial ambition, and Periander’s murderous savagery are all hubristic and result in some form of punishment: ruin, death, defeat, or the death of one’s offspring.

In Herodotus, the expansion of empire frequently involves acts of hubris. Croesus’ attack on the Persians, Cyrus’ attempt to conquer the Massagetae, Darius’ bridging of the Danube during his expedition to Scythia, and Xerxes’ bridging of the Hellespont to subdue Europe all involve the transgression of natural boundaries, often rivers, in the pursuit of imperialist ambition. All these campaigns fail, indicating that Herodotus believes any far-reaching empire is doomed by divine ordinance to destruction. Laughter, too, is typically a sign of hubris and indicates that nemesis will soon occur. Denoting a disregard of one’s vulnerability or an overly complacent attitude, and often indicating an unbalanced mind as well, laughter comes before a fall, as the cases of Cambyses and Xerxes demonstrate. The punishment of hubris by nemesis is the fundamental moral dynamic in the Histories, providing both a religious framework and recognizable pattern to human affairs.

The Great and the Marvelous

In the proem to the Histories, Herodotus declares that he publishes his inquiry so that “great and marvelous deeds—some displayed by Greeks, some by barbarians—may not be without their glory” (4). He intentionally models his account of the Persian wars on his great epic predecessor, Homer, who sang of the glory of Achilles and the heroes of the Trojan War in the Iliad. Placing his own history in this tradition, Herodotus makes the daring claim that the recent war for Greek independence against Persian despotism was just as glorious and significant, full of memorable deeds, as the legendary war immortalized in Homeric epic. Herodotus also alludes to Homer’s tale of marvelous adventure, the Odyssey, through the many wondrous events, miracles, strange peoples, and exotic lands he describes in his narrative. In the Histories, Herodotus attempts to accomplish in prose what Homer did in poetry. His focus, however, is on the achievements of men, distinguishing him from the epic poet who included the dramatic interventions of the Olympian gods in the lives and affairs of mortals in his verse.

To compete with the Homeric tradition of heroic deeds, glorious battles, and marvelous events, Herodotus enlarges his view to encompass the entire known world, its diverse geography and peoples. The glory of the Greek victory over the Persians is similarly enhanced by magnifying the odds against which the small and constantly squabbling Greek city-states had to contend. Herodotus presents Xerxes’ invasion of Greece as the greatest ever mounted in human history; the numerical superiority of the Persian forces is utterly overwhelming, by Herodotus’ calculation, in comparison with the Greek confederacy. The Spartan success at Plataea, “the most splendid victory of all those we know” (523), Thucydides’ daring stratagem at Salamis, the valor of Leonidas and his warriors at Thermopylae, the Athenians’ miraculous triumph at Marathon, are achievements worthy of epic distinction. Similarly, the prolific conquests of the Persian emperors, the engineering and architectural accomplishments of the Egyptian and Babylonian civilizations, the institution of democracy in Greek city-states, the rise and tragic fall of Croesus, Cyrus, and other eastern potentates are among the great historical deeds the historian believes are worth memorializing.

Herodotus’ concept of the marvelous extends beyond human acts and artifacts to the natural world: the fecundity of the Nile, the immense and desolate Sahara, the exotic animals of Africa and India, and the mythical hyperborean North are wonders deserving the historian’s attention. He frequently recounts anthropological oddities; after the battle of Plataea, a skull was found with the jaw fused to the braincase, along with a skeleton of a man seven and-a-half feet tall. His interest in such details is attested by anecdotes of what he has seen himself, such as his comparison of the skulls of Persians and Egyptians while visiting a battlefield in the Nile delta. Herodotus’ fascination with the wonderful embodies the miraculous workings of the divine as well.

During the Persian attack at Delphi, two giant hoplites, believed to be local heroes, were seen pursuing the barbarians, a divine voice was heard from the temple, and lightning dislodged two immense pinnacles of rock from Mount Parnassus, which fell on the invaders. Herodotus claims he saw the boulders when visiting Delphi. Noting that, miraculously, no Persian bodies were found in the sanctuary of Demeter near where the fighting at Plataea took place, Herodotus opines “My own view is—if one may have view at all about divine matters—the Goddess herself would not let them in, because they had burned her sanctuary at Eleusis” (523). Though he often reserves judgment on the veracity of such wonders, saying “some say,” or “it was reported,” he nevertheless finds accounts of the miraculous interesting, as they may be seen to corroborate his own belief that some divine force is manifest in the human world, on both the personal and collective level.

Fate and the Divine

The important role that hubris and nemesis play in Herodotus’ narrative suggests that he believed some sort of fate or divine ordinance operates in the life of men. His attitude toward religious matters is cautious, a blend of belief and diffidence, as the previous quotation about Demeter’s protection of her sanctuary at Plataea indicates. Fate, however, seems to be a constant in human affairs, affecting the lives of individuals and the course of empires. The gods are powerless to alter fate, though they may delay it for those they favor; Croesus is destined for ruin, though Apollo manages to postpone the capture of Sardis for three years. Fate is signaled by dreams, oracles, omens, or other portents, which, while truthful, are often misinterpreted or ignored: “It seems that there is nearly always a warning sign of some kind, when disaster is about to overtake a city or a nation” (332).

Xerxes’ doomed invasion of Greece is attended by an eclipse and several omens, none of which the Persians correctly understand, but whose meaning is obvious to Herodotus. Sacrilege almost invariably invites divine punishment that operates by symmetrical logic; Cambyses wounds himself in the thigh where he stabbed the Egyptian god Apis, and Demeter excludes the Persians from her holy precinct at Plataea for burning her sanctuary at Eleusis. Even when the moral affront is less egregious, Herodotus notes that some individuals are doomed to a bad end, such as the Lydian king Candaules and Artaynte, Xerxes’ daughter-in-law whom the Persian emperor seduced.

Herodotus perceives the workings of the divine on a grander scale as well. Commenting on the violent storm that destroyed much of the Persian fleet off Euboea before the battle of Artemisium, Herodotus claims “God was indeed doing everything possible to reduce the superiority of the Persian fleet and bring it down to the size of the Greek” (455). Themistocles, attempting to persuade the Athenians to allow Xerxes to escape to Asia, argues that “it was the gods and the heroes, who were jealous that one man in his godless pride should be king of Asia and of Europe too” that defeated the Persian fleet at Salamis. Though fate and the influence of the divine are explicitly invoked throughout the Histories, most actions are the product of human choice and human motivations. The passions that motivate human action—fear, greed, lust, patriotism, courage, ambition—are conditioned by, and answerable to, a moral or divine framework that provides a larger perspective to Herodotus’ narrative of historical events.

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