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Facing the Mountain: A True Story of Japanese American Heroes in World War II

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2021

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Part 3, Chapters 9-12Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3: “Kotonks and Buddhaheads”

Chapter 9 Summary

The Christmas of 1942 was “emotionally wrought, and traumatic” (137). Five million American soldiers were away at the front—this figure would be 16 million by the end of the war. American POWs in the Japanese-controlled Philippines were brutalized. Imprisoned Japanese Americans made the best of their circumstances, celebrating Christmas at “block parties” (137) with donated Christmas trees and self-made ornaments.

The efforts of Japanese Americans lobbying to allow Nisei to join the army paid off. The decision came from discussions between the War Department, FBI, Army Intelligence, and Selective Service. In February 1943, President Roosevelt signed a memo signaling that “[e]very loyal American should be given the opportunity to serve this country” (139). The ultimate objective for the Nisei was to join the Allied forces in Europe to challenge Nazi Germany and fascist Italy: “A great force, a massive, coordinated, unified human effort unlike anything the world had ever seen, was in motion, gathering momentum across the globe, bent on destroying the dark, cynical forces of authoritarianism” (139)

The opportunity to enlist affected Japanese Americans in different ways. Kats was excited and believed enlisting was consistent with the Japanese concept of honor. He convinced his brother Katsuaki to enlist with him. Ten thousand volunteers showed up instead of the intended 1,500. The farewell ceremony for 2,600 new soldiers took place in late March in front of a large crowd. The new 442nd Regimental Combat Team sailed on SS Lurline, and then headed from California to Mississippi by train, a location that brought up anxiety due to its reputation for racial injustice.

In the concentration camps, however, the first reaction “was very different” because “from behind barbed wire, the invitation to fight and die for America struck many as less than tempting” (143). That the all-Japanese American unit would be segregated raised additional questions of unfairness:

Why were they to be segregated? If they were willing to fight and die like white soldiers, how was it that they would not be allowed to eat in commissaries and sleep in barracks and fight and die in the same foxholes as their white countrymen? (143).

Rudy and Duke enlisted against the wishes of their father. In addition, Question 28 of the WRA questionnaire required adults to renounce loyalty to Japan and swear unqualified allegiance to the US. In theory, the former meant losing Japanese citizenship for Issei, making them stateless. The majority said “yes” anyway. Those who did not were reclassified as “disloyal” and segregated from their “loyal” counterparts (146).

Meanwhile, the ACLU along with the American Friends Service Committee helped Gordon get out on bail and move to Spokane while awaiting the Supreme Court decision. He was to establish a Quaker office in that city to help Japanese Americans. Gordon’s Quaker mentor, Floyd Schmoe, left his work at the University of Washington to focus on helping Japanese Americans. Floyd’s daughter Esther Schmoe struck up a friendship with Gordon which developed into a romantic relationship.

Also in Spokane, at barely 18 years old, Fred Shiosaki, enlisted despite fearing his father’s reaction. Indeed, his father “refused even to say goodbye” (158). 

Chapter 10 Summary

In April 1943, Hawaiian Nisei arrived in Hattiesburg, Mississippi—a place where Black Americans faced historical inequality and violence. Lynchings were “the most brutal manifestations of an economic, social, and political order that white Mississippians had built on a foundation of intimidation and dehumanization” (161). The military training took place at Camp Shelby, where recruits practiced field maneuvers in the swamps of Louisiana and were forced to participate in demeaning exercises like being hunted by dogs trained to detect “the unique scent of the Japanese” (165). Rudy Tokiwa deliberately failed his Japanese language proficiency to avoid being taken into Military Intelligence. The biggest problem in training was the cultural differences between the Hawaiians, nicknamed “Buddhaheads,” and the mainlanders, called “kotonks.” Nisei from Hawaii were more laid back and sometimes used Hawaiian pidgin to speak. Mainlanders, on the other hand, “who had volunteered for the army out of concentration camps arrived angry, fueled by a grim, righteous determination to prove themselves as patriotic Americans” (167). The two sides often fought.

Historically, close to 30,000 Japanese had escaped poor economic conditions in their homeland in the 1880s and 1890s, traveling to Hawaii to work in sugar cane fields six days a week. Most were men, who later imported women to marry from Japan. Hard plantation life was easier than the “even worse conditions in Japan” (170). When Hawaii became part of the United States in 1900, these “slave” labor-like conditions were eliminated, and the men had to find other ways to make a living. The “language, the manners, and the attitudes” (172) of mainland Nisei reminded their Hawaiian counterparts of their haole, or white, bosses.

Kats Miho began training in the 522nd Field Artillery Battalion, which was the 442nd’s artillery unit. Based on an aptitude test, Kats concentrated on “learning the complex geometry and calculus required to accurately fire the 522nd’s big howitzers” (173). He was also an example of a middle ground “between kotonks and Buddhaheads” (173). Kats made some friends, including a Montanan, George Oiye, also part of the 522nd. George, who did not speak Japanese or show interest in the culture, was an excellent marksman thanks to his hunting and fishing background. Kats and George were similarly “full of opinions” (175). Meanwhile, Rudy was getting into “the most spectacular trouble” (180). For example, he convinced a Black soldier to enter a bus from the front at a time of segregated bus seating in the south. When the bus driver objected, Rudy and his friends dragged the driver out and hijacked the bus. As a result, they were placed into the stockade overnight.

At this time, Gordon Hirabayashi “worked tirelessly” (177) to make the lives of Japanese Americans easier. He had a difficult time finding a job because “far fewer employers were willing to hire anyone of Japanese ancestry” (177) even when they desperately needed workers. He looked forward to having his case resolved by the Supreme Court and was certain “that he would win” (178). For this reason, the unsuccessful resolution of Hirabayashi v. United States, of which Gordon “only learned when he happened to pick up a newspaper,” was “crushing” (179). The Court’s decision meant that Gordon would be taken back to prison.

Chapter 11 Summary

Training for the 442nd in Mississippi involved long hikes with full backpacks, using heavy machine guns, digging tank traps, and marching. Despite the racial hierarchy—most commissioned officers were white—”both the kotonks and the Buddhaheads began to warm up to their officials” (187), instructor Captain Walter Lesinski and Commander Charles Wilbur Pence.

Many in the 442nd headed had summer furloughs. The Hawaiians had “large stashes of cash from their parents” able to use it for “a good time before they went off to war” in places like New York City (186). In contrast, the mainlanders traveled to see their parents in the camps. The “big brothers” (191) of the 442nd—the 100th Infantry Battalion—left for North Africa in August 1943.

The Hawaiians and mainlanders still fought with each other periodically. Pence attempted to reduce the bickering by organizing dances for the soldiers with Nisei women from a nearby camp. On the one hand, the dances offered the soldiers the socializing they missed. On the other, the women “were partial to the Buddhaheads,” attracted “to the island boys’ spontaneity” (190-91). The latter infuriated the mainlanders, and the fights continued.

Some Nisei soldiers were sent to Alabama to guard POWs from General Erwin Rommel’s Afrika Korps. The locals, who described the POWs as “fine-looking,” “blond,” and “wonderful specimens of physical manhood,” “appeared to be more at ease with the presence of the German POWs in their midst than they were with the American boys with Japanese faces” (196). One of the soldiers guarding the POWs in Alabama was Kats’s brother Katsuaki. He and another young man died in a tragic army truck accident. Kats used his furlough to visit his father with Katsuaki’s ashes. His father’s concentration camp, Fort Missoula in Montana, also housed non-military aliens, such as Italian merchants stranded on the Allied side when the war began. Kats’s father was “overwhelmingly proud” that his sons volunteered for the US Army despite thinking of himself as Japanese (201). The news of Katsuaki’s death was “a crushing blow” (201). After the father held a private memorial, the urn was to travel to Kats’s mother in Hawaii.

In Spokane, Gordon Hirabayashi accepted a longer 90-day sentence to be able to stay at a federal work camp rather than a prison. However, for administrative reasons, the closest camp was in Arizona, and the government did not want to fund the trip. The young man managed to get a signed letter allowing him to hitchhike to Arizona. In Tucson, the “inmates […] heard that the famous Gordon Hirabayashi was coming and wanted to welcome him personally” (196).

Chapter 12 Summary

Following a lot of convincing on the part of the clergy, Camp Shelby introduced two Japanese American chaplains to accompany the soldiers to war, Reverend Masao Yamada and Reverend Hiro Higuchi, two Hawaiian Protestants who were also “happy to minister to whoever came through their office,” including Buddhists (203). Yamada counseled Kats that “his brother’s death imposed a new obligation” on him “to renew his focus” and “to devote himself to a higher cause” (205). The chaplains also helped find a solution to the fights between the mainlanders and Hawaiians. It was clear to them that while the Hawaiians dreamed of returning to “beautiful and grateful island girls, home-cooked meals, falling asleep in their own beds,” the mainlanders “had nothing like that to look forward to” (207). The Hawaiians did not comprehend the realities of concentration camps, so Higuchi proposed to Pence a series of field trips to show them incarcerated life. Sobered by what they saw, “more Buddhaheads began to ease up on more kotonks” (209).

The 442nd practiced using M1 rifles, bazookas, and mortars, as well as making gun emplacements from sandbags and using camouflage. Japanese concepts such as filial piety and social obligation fit into their discussions of American patriotism. Over in Europe, many in the 100th were killed in Italy; “[t]heir sacrifices did not go unnoticed back home” (222). In March 1944, US Chief of Staff George C. Marshall arrived at Camp Shelby and inspected the 442nd. A month later, the soldiers received orders to travel to Anzio in Italy.

At this time, federal inmate number 3751, Gordon Hirabayashi, performed grueling labor as part of a roadcrew under the Arizona sun. He began “to question the rules and assumptions by which the camp was administered” (210), such as racial segregation because he was placed with the white inmates. Soon others, including white inmates, joined him in questioning authorities.

Part 3, Chapters 9-12 Analysis

Of course, the Nazi war crimes against marginalized groups in the occupied territories in Eastern Europe and the attempted genocide of Jewish people known as the Holocaust—displayed inhuman cruelty and barbarism. Yet it is difficult not to draw some parallels to the US treatment of Japanese Americans, though this obviously differed in scope and scale. The federal government indefinitely locking up over 100,000 people based on their race after forcing them to lose their homes and livelihood is a clear display of authoritarianism within a nominally Liberal democratic American society. Brown, however, considers this display an outlier rather than the norm, though the comparison evokes the theme Japanese American Experience During World War II in a Comparative Framework of Modernity.

Facing increased discrimination after Pearl Harbor, Japanese Americans were keenly aware of other minorities’ experiences of racism in the US. On their way to the army training camp in Mississippi, the Nisei thought about the state’s reputation as a hotbed of anti-Black racism. The author deliberately highlights the racial inequality in Mississippi founded on “intimidation” and “dehumanization” (161), contrasting the beautiful landscape with ugly prejudice: “Beneath the smell of magnolia, there was always the smell of fear” (161). By using short, strategically placed anecdotes—such as the one about Rudy Tokiwa, a Black soldier, and the bus—Brown demonstrates the reality of African Americans’ lives in the segregation-era South.

Brown also contrasts the injustice of racial segregation with the willingness of both Japanese and Black Americans to make the highest sacrifice one could make by serving one’s country and potentially losing one’s life. Despite this demonstration of patriotic commitment, ”the all–Japanese American fighting unit would be just that, a segregated unit, like the Black Ninety-second Division” (143). The racial hierarchy in the army also reminded Hawaiian Japanese Americans of their parents’ immigrant experience: “[T]he army’s racial hierarch—the haoles at the top, everybody else working for them—seemed to mirror the paternalistic and racist way that the plantations back home were run” (187).

The question of loyalty to the state comes up in several contexts in this section. It is hard to understand why volunteering to fight in World War II was not sufficient to prove loyalty to the state and to release enlistees’ families from concentration camps. Indeed, “[s]ome made the decision in favor of enlisting to return as American heroes rather than ‘Japs’ who were imprisoned in camps” (144). One could argue that this decision was made under duress. The question of loyalty—or the racist stereotype that East Asian people are particularly untrustworthy—arises when we consider the questionnaire that Japanese Americans had to fill out. Questions 27 and 28 asked adults to renounce any allegiance to Japan—an insulting demand that implicitly assumed that there was such allegiance in the first place. Furthermore, while the author values American democracy as morally above Japanese imperialism, Japan had a similar demand for state loyalty: Every day, Japanese school children repeated the Imperial Rescript of Education, “Should any emergency arise, offer yourselves courageously to the State” (Dower, John, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1999, p. 33).

While people of Japanese extraction were thus caught in a double bind of having to continually prove their fidelity, the US government went back and forth in its arguments about whether they could be trusted. After issuing Executive Order 9066 to stoke fears that Japanese Americans were somehow colluding with Japan, President Roosevelt advanced a totally different characterization of the same people to recruit more troops. Now the President stated that “Americanism is not, and never was, a matter of race or ancestry. A good American is one who is loyal to this country and our creed of liberty and democracy. Every loyal American should be given the opportunity to serve this country” (139). Such change in direction likely seemed somewhat arbitrary and hypocritical.

Brown also continues to unpack the question of Japanese American identity in the United States. Previous chapters explored the question generationally through Issei and Nisei. Part 3 focuses on regional identities. Brown portrays Hawaiian Nisei (Buddhaheads) as laid back and optimistic, and mainlanders (the kotonks) as anxious and moody. Surface differences—the Hawaiians being tanner and speaking pidgin that the mainlanders sometimes did not understand—are also relevant as they caused significant in-fighting and prevented the 442nd from building true camaraderie prior to heading to the front. Yet while white officers failed to identify the reason for the animosity, a Japanese American chaplain realized the need to show Hawaiians the impact on mainlanders’ of having their families in concentration camps. Brown also points out how Nisei blended Japanese beliefs and customs with mainstream American identity, for example, using the Japanese concept of honor to justify enlisting—part of The Complex Identities in the Japanese American Community.

Finally, the stories of Gordon Hirabayashi, a Seattle Nisei, and Katsuichi Miho, a Hawaiian Issei, share a similar trajectory. For both men, abstract principles were more important than freedom. Both men also worked tirelessly to help their communities: Gordon with the Quaker activists, and Katsuichi as a community leader in Hawaii, and then as one in prison. Gordon knew he would be imprisoned for his peaceful protest of the wartime measures. Similarly, Katsuichi may have been eligible “to be released into the legal custody of his sons” but “refused to leave the prison camp in Louisiana unless roughly twenty other Maui Issei who had been incarcerated with him were also set free” (199). As a result, he was moved to Fort Missoula.

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