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The 37 authors featured in Disability Visibility each have unique perspectives on disability as an experience and an identity. A broad variety of disabilities are discussed, including physical disabilities, chronic illnesses, neurodiversity, and mental illnesses. Likewise, the authors are a diverse group in other ways: they hail from multiple racial, sexual, religious, economic, and gender identities and backgrounds. The presence of such a group in and of itself implies a commitment to intersectional solidarity which, in turn, supports the overarching theme of variation in the disabled experience.
Many essays in Disability Visibility draw explicitly from the authors’ experiences of multiple intersecting oppressions. Entire essays in this collection— such as “To Survive Climate Change, Look to Queer and Disabled Folks” and “Disability Solidarity”—are dedicated to exploring this topic. Others, like Britney Wilson’s “On NYC’s Paratransit, Fighting for Safety, Respect, and Human Dignity,” discuss intersecting oppressions to draw emphasize various points. In Wilsons’s case, she uses an anecdote about dealing with racism to help illustrate how she felt while being sexually harassed by an Access-A-Ride driver.
Other essays in this collection discuss intersectional identity without focusing on oppression. In her essay “If You Can’t Fast, Give,” author Maysoon Zayid describes the unique experience of observing Ramadan as a person with cerebral palsy. While she acknowledges Islamophobia, the majority of the essay is centered on the unique way she experiences Islam as a disabled person and the way her faith has built-in accommodations for her, such as giving alternatives to fasting during Ramadan. This perspective challenges the idea that accommodating disabled people is a new idea and highlights the ways disabled people can find joy and support in communities and institutions, even in a largely ableist society.
Disability Visibility’s diversity extends beyond catering to multiple intersecting identities. To thoroughly represent varying experiences of disability, Wong gathers a diverse range of opinions and philosophical perspectives. For example, some contributors, such as Ricardo Thornton, argue that disabled people are as “normal” as the nondisabled population, especially since being able-bodied is often not a permanent state of being; many people who are born able-bodied become disabled during their lifetimes. He notes that “[p]eople sometimes say that I’m not like some of the other people with intellectual disabilities. The only thing that’s special about me is that people believed in my potential to learn […] and they took the time to help me learn” (88). Others, like Sky Cubacub, make a point to highlight the differences between disabled and nondisabled bodies. These authors are both proponents of disability justice, but they approach their shared goal from wildly different angles.
Disability Visibility’s breadth of variety is not a comprehensive sample of disabled people’s experiences, nor does it claim to be. Notably, every author represented in this text knows what the Disability Visibility Project is and values its mission enough to participate. This is not the case for all disabled people. Despite their similarities, these authors all bring unique experiences and perspectives to Disability Visibility. This text is not a universal guide to the disabled experience; rather, it presents a sample of case studies. This in itself demonstrates the potentially infinite individuality and diversity within the umbrella of disability.
Disability Visibility is focused on the interiority of disabled people’s lives. Part of exploring this means understanding what it means to be disabled on a social level. This encompasses the contributing authors’ direct social lives; it also includes broader concepts like the disabled community, sociopolitical issues, and more conceptual takes such as the social model of disability.
Each of Disability Visibility’s contributing authors shares some element of their social lives with the reader; they discuss the ways they interface with their families, friends, colleagues, and strangers. They describe themselves in social settings such as performance venues, while traveling, in professional settings, in their homes, and in institutional spaces. Authors like A. H. Reaume, Jamison Hill, and Ricardo Thornton describe their joyous connections with other disabled people. Others, like Harriet McBryde Johnson, June Eric-Udorie, and Sandy Ho describe the tribulations of having ableist family members and colleagues. Interactions with others affect one’s experience of disability, whether that’s positively through support and affirmation or negatively through discrimination, neglect, or outright violence.
Another element of sociality as a disabled person is navigating public spaces. This is especially true for those with sensory issues (like blind people) and mobility limitations (like wheelchair users). The dearth of truly accessible public spaces creates a social barrier for disabled people; if they cannot enter buildings, travel safely, or use furniture, they are effectively blocked from public life. Many scholars who argue for the social model of disability believe that the cause of disabled people’s limitations is not inherent to their bodies and minds—rather, it is a product of social and architectural infrastructure that wasn’t designed to accommodate them. For example, a blind person isn’t necessarily impeded by their blindness but by crosswalks without audible pedestrian signals. As with interactions, architecture and the presence or lack of assistive technologies impact one’s experience of disability.
Many of the essays in Disability Visibility have overt political messages: Ricardo Thornton’s “We Can’t Go Back” opposes compulsory institutionalization for intellectually disabled people; Rebecca Cokley’s “The Antiabortion Bill You Aren’t Hearing About” is staunchly pro-choice; Jeremy Woody’s “The Isolation of Being Deaf in Prison” advocates for prison reform. While the political angle of interfacing with disability is not as universal as having a family and meeting people, disability justice is necessarily political. Political advocacy is fundamentally social; it is direct engagement with one’s government and community. The essays in Disability Visibility couch “disabled” as a personal and political identity. The phrase “the disabled community” is usually invoked to encompass all disabled people, much in the same way that terms like “the Black community” or “the LGBTQ+” community do. However, many of these contributing authors also have literal communities that they’re part of, groups of disabled people who know each other personally and work together. Community support is essential to both mental health in the face of ableism and sharing solutions and accessibility aids. In solidarity and community, one’s experience of disability is less isolating and more positive. Part of Alice Wong’s mission for the Disability Visibility Project is to foster a digital disabled community like this.
Several of these essays discuss specific legal problems facing disabled people. As an organization dedicated to disability activism, Wong’s Disability Visibility Project naturally attracts fellow activists and scholars. Disability Visibility’s political philosophy is decidedly left-wing: many of its writers are proponents of intersectional identity politics and social justice. Several of these essays contain common leftist talking points, like critiques of capitalism, conservatism, and corporate neoliberalism. Authors like Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha advocate for the adoption of leftist practices like mutual aid, a concept originally developed by anarchist Peter Kropotkin.
By providing testimony about experiences of disability, this book and its essays constitute a form of disability activism. However, some of these essays describe other forms of activism too. This includes advocacy around particular legal issues. For example, Britney Wilson’s “On NYC’s Paratransit, Fighting for Safety, Respect, and Human Dignity” addresses urban infrastructure and accessibility, Rebecca Cokley’s “The Antiabortion Bill You Aren’t Hearing About” dissects SB 1033, a piece of legislation that pits disabled lives against bodily autonomy, and The Harriet Tubman Collective addresses institutional police violence in “Disability Solidarity.”
In some of these essays, disability justice and activism takes the form of “engaging with the enemy.” Though she wrestled with it, Harriet McBryde Johnson formally debated a bioethics professor who supported selective infanticide in the case of disability. In “For Ki’tay D. Davidson, Who Loved Us,” Talila Lewis praises Davidson for the way he engaged with ideological opponents: “Ki’tay’s ability to sit with and actively love oppressors and those who were violent toward him and marginalized communities […] truly set him apart. He could breathe life and love into even those people” (40).
Some of the activism described in this book is less direct. Artists like Alice Sheppard take a radically disabled approach to their practices. Sheppard, a professional dancer and choreographer, writes: “My crutches and chair are not tools that compensate for my impairment […] I want to draw out the expressive capacity of disabled bodies and minds by acknowledging and actively drawing on the movement of impairment” (156). Her creative endeavors function as outreach to other disabled people, the result of which is depicted in s. e. smith’s “The Beauty of Spaces Created by and for Disabled People,” which responds directly to Sheppard’s performance. These endeavors also demonstrate disabled bodies’ potential capacity to do physically challenging work and to move beautifully. While much activism focuses on tangible legal goals, this work to redefine how the public perceives disability can lead to radical change.
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