69 pages 2 hours read

Democracy Awakening: Notes on the State of America

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Themes

The Use of False History to Manipulate Ideology

Content Warning: The guide and source text discuss hate speech, racism, enslavement, racial and gender prejudice, genocide and displacement of Indigenous Americans, anti-Black violence, and systemic inequalities through American history. To refer to the collective of Americans who are not of European descent, Heather Cox Richardson uses the phrase “people of color,” which this guide preserves. Both the guide and the source text are specific about race and ethnicity where applicable.

Using a false or mythological history to influence people’s ideologies or perceptions of the country is a key strategy Richardson identifies in The Throughline of Authoritarian Sentiment in US History. In her foreword, Richardson says that after World War II, social scientists, historians, and philosophers rallied to explain how authoritarians in that era “harnessed societal instability into their own service” (10). These professionals identified that the “key to the rise of authoritarians […] is their use of language and false history” (10). These two strategies work in concert to convince people of the validity of an image of a mythological past free from the social struggles of their present. Especially in Parts 1 and 2, Richardson discusses how American politicians have manipulated this strategy to maintain power, leading to a trend toward authoritarianism.

One strategy of creating false histories is using media to popularize ideas of symbolic figures that are different from those figures’ real-life correlatives. Richardson uses the symbol of the cowboy to make this point. Immediately after the Civil War, Southern Democrats “mythologized these cowboys as white men […] who worked hard for a day’s pay independent of the government” (39), defending women and children from “warriors, Mexicans, and rustlers” without government support (39). Richardson debunks everything about this myth: For instance, one third of cowboys were people of color, the government provided resources and money for western settlements, and women and children were integral to the survival of western communities, not helpless people to be protected. Regardless, the image of the cowboy became an “effective propagandist” of false history for over a century. In the 1950s and 1960s, as the Civil Rights Movement gained steam, “there were twenty-six Westerns on TV” (41), pumping images of “a male world of hardworking cowboys protecting their land from evildoers” (42). This appealed to right-wing politicians, who began to use rhetoric that used rights for Black Americans as “scapegoats” for the disenfranchisement felt by “poor white men” (179) through the Nixon administration and onward.

Reagan’s administration appealed to a fictional “time before Black and Brown voices and women began to claim equal rights” (60), pairing this idea with the slogan “make America great again” (60). This pairing explicitly paints a false history in which Black and Brown Americans are directly to blame for America’s veering from its “greatness.” This slogan was resurrected by Donald Trump in 2016, where he positioned himself as “the all-powerful fictional hero” resurrecting “the American mythology of the cowboy who saves the villagers from destruction” (126), which he used to convince people that he alone could bring “real Americans” to a mythological past that was fictionalized from the outset.

In this way, the use of false history convinces people of a version of American history that never existed, in which strict hierarchies of people lead to social and economic prosperity, and to which only selected leaders can return the country. This convinces people that they must support that single leader at all costs, even if they undermine key tenets of democracy.

The Throughline of Authoritarian Sentiment in US History

The throughline of authoritarian sentiment in US history is one of the key concerns of Richardson’s book. The first line of her foreword declares that “America is at a crossroads […] on the brink of authoritarianism,” and then asks, “how did this happen?” (9). The rest of the book attempts to answer that question, examining how the threads of authoritarianism have been laid since the earliest moments of the country.

Richardson argues that authoritarianism in the United States did not begin with the presidency of Donald Trump; rather, the ideologies that coalesced in his election and actions were present since the nation’s founding. She argues that the thinking on which authoritarianism and fascism are based—“that some people are better than others” (12)—were clearly present among the Founders, many of whom enslaved people and did not view women as equals. She calls the early “equality” of the United States a “paradox” since most people in the country did not have equal rights. This inequality hierarchized different demographics of people from the moment of the founding.

As women, Black Americans, and other non-white Americans began to demand their rights and equality and some politicians responded with cooperation, political demographics who wanted to keep these hierarchies adopted the use of false history to manipulate ideology to keep hierarchical thinking in the public consciousness. Richardson focuses on Republican presidents Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. To shore up their voting base, both blamed “scapegoats” for the nation’s problems. Nixon blamed “anti-Vietnam War protesters and college students” as well as “Black and Brown Americans” (53), while Reagan blamed Democrats and the fictionalized “welfare queen” (59). This perpetuated the notion of hierarchical, “good” and “bad” categories of citizens: This extreme partisanship convinced people that it might be in the nation’s best interest to undermine democratic processes if it meant the “good” side stayed in power. This ensured that “stage was set, with rhetoric and policy, for the rise of authoritarianism” (49), which came to a head in the Trump presidency.

Richardson describes how Trump exhibited numerous authoritarian behaviors. He “consolidated his supporters through disinformation about the Russia investigation” while attacking journalists and news media (130). He aggrandized his power by “remov[ing] professionals from government positions and install[ing] cronies in their place” (130). He “use[d] troops against Americans” (132), like Black Lives Matter protestors demanding racial equality. His administration was involved in myriad scandals surrounding voting and election rigging. Finally, “he had turned more and more consistently to his base, including their violent gangs, for support, intimidating party members who might challenge him” (130), which culminated in a violent attack on the US Capitol, leading to his second impeachment.

Richardson devotes all of Part 2 to examining what she calls Trump’s “authoritarian experiment,” while Parts 1 and 3 demonstrate how these threads of authoritarianism were laid throughout American history.

How to Defend American Democracy

While Richardson devotes significant time to discussing the throughline of authoritarian sentiment in US history, she also believes in the potential of the promise of democracy, if people invest in learning how to defend American democracy. She argues that “those articulating the nation’s true principles have been marginalized Americans” (158): Women, Black Americans, poor folks and laborers, and other historically marginalized demographics have been at the forefront of the preservation of democracy.

One of the primary strategies by which people “held up the nation’s promise of equality” was by “demonstrate[ing] its failings” (201). By pointing out the ways in which the government of the United States was not upholding the theoretical standards for equality and human rights set forth in the Declaration and Constitution, people could make stronger cases for increased equality. This began immediately after the Declaration was signed. For instance:

In 1774, the year after her enslavers relinquished their claim on her, Boston poet Phillis Wheatley wrote to Mohegan cleric Samson Occom about the hypocrisy of leaders who rallied for freedom while practicing enslavement. ‘In every human Breast, God has implanted a Principle, which we call Love of Freedom; it is impatient of Oppression, and pants for Deliverance,’ she wrote, adding, ‘I will assert, that the same Principle lives in us’ (176).

Phillis Wheatley was a famous 18th-century poet who was born in West Africa and later enslaved. This anecdote Richardson uses shows how Wheatley immediately seized upon the rhetoric of freedom and equality espoused at the first Continental Congress and knew that it should apply to her and other people of color, even though in practice it did not. She declares her intention to “assert” her right to freedom. Richardson tells many anecdotes of people who asserted themselves thusly, including those who fought for their rights in courts, like Ida B. Wells and Wong Kim Ark.

Wheatley’s use of the second-person plural “us” in her letter to Samson Occom indicates another key aspect of how to defend American democracy: cross-demographic coalition and community building. In contrast to the “cutthroat individualism” of some white men, “those excluded from political power” like women and people of color “leveraged their networks and communities to change society” (201). This type of coalition building is democratic in nature, since the key idea behind democracy is that the collective dēmos, or “people,” are the ones who enable the kratos, or “rule.”

Richardson’s final point about defending American democracy is that “how it comes out rests, as it always has, in our hands” (232). She argues at the beginning of her book that the common post–World War II idea that Americans were “somehow different from those who had fallen to authoritarianism […] too practical, too moderate, to embrace political extremes” (11) isn’t true. Her book attempts to lay out that there is nothing that makes Americans “immune to authoritarianism” (11), but rather, whether the country trends toward democracy or authoritarianism lies in the hands of individuals.

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