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Civilization: The West and the Rest

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2011

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Themes

Western Imperialism

Ferguson identifies six features (“killer apps”) to which he credits the rise of the West since the 16th century. These features comprise competition and institutions that foster competitiveness, scientific advancement, private property along with the rule of law and representative government, modern medicine, consumerism, and the work ethic. Yet the vehicle by which these features benefitted the West and were disseminated around the world was imperial expansion and conquest and settlement of colonies abroad. 

First, Ferguson argues that the West needed an imperial project to rise above “the Rest”:

Without the New World, it has been asserted, “Western Europe would have remained a small, backward region of Eurasia, dependent on the East for transfusions of technology, transmissions of culture, and transfers of wealth. Without American ‘ghost acre” and the African slaves who worked them, there could have been no ‘European Miracle,’ no Industrial Revolution (96).

Second, the author takes imperial expansion as part and parcel of perceived Western superiority, i.e., a positive force. He writes: “[T]here is no question that here, as elsewhere, Western empire brought real, measurable progress” and argues that it is in vogue to criticize colonialism without accounting for its benefits (172). Ferguson also suggests that not all European empires were created equal, and some were better than others. The benefits that colonialism brought to the colonized, in his view, ranged from infrastructure to the eradication of deadly diseases. Ferguson appears generally uninterested in the impact that European colonialism had on the colonized—or their agency and consent—only in the tangible benefits to the West.

Ferguson subscribes to the might-is-right type of thinking, suggesting that the West was successful because it dominated others. One example of this thinking is Ferguson’s commentary about 19th-century China. In China, colonialism (especially British and Japanese) between the middle of the 19th century and the 1949 Revolution is known as the Century of Humiliation. For example, the British drug trafficking of opium in China resulted in addiction among large segments of the population, socio-economic problems, and the Opium Wars. British control led to unequal treaties and the loss of Chinese territory. In contrast, the author assumes a celebratory tone at China’s defeat seemingly only interested in Britain’s rise:

The West’s ascendancy was confirmed in June 1842, when Royal Naval gunboats sailed up the Yangzi to the Grand Canal in retaliation for the destruction of opium stocks by a zealous Chinese official. China had to pay an indemnity of 21 million silver dollars, open five ports to British trade and cede the island of Hong Kong. It was ironic but appropriate that this first of the so-called “Unequal Treaties” was signed in Nanjing, at the Jinghai Temple—originally built in honour of Admiral Zheng He and Tianfei, the Goddess of the Sea, who had watched over him and his fleet more than four centuries before (47-48).

Occasionally, Ferguson mentions the detriments to Indigenous populations, for example, the death and disease brought to the Indigenous peoples of South America through Spanish colonization. His most significant exploration of the brutality of colonialism occurs in his chapter on medicine, in which he discusses in detail the horrors of African colonization in the late 19th and early 20th centuries during the so-called “Scramble for Africa” after the Berlin Conference (1884-1885). These horrors included forced labor, extermination, and the “racial-biological” research by eugenicist pseudo-scientists primarily from Germany.

However, when he does focus on the negative impact of Western imperialism, he deflects to France, Germany, and Belgium throughout the book, ignoring the impact of other colonial endeavors. In the case of India, for instance, Ferguson mentions that Britain destroyed India’s domestic textile trade but evades examining other detrimental aspects of British colonialism. Yet, as recently as 1943, the human-made Bengal famine led to millions of deaths. During the famine, Winston Churchill remarked that Indians “breed like rabbits,” and relief would be irrelevant (Herman, Arthur, Gandhi & Churchill The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age, New York: Random House, 2008, p. 513).

To preempt legitimate criticisms of the European imperial project beyond his comfort level, the author presents a hyperbole:

[I]t is a truth almost universally acknowledged in the schools and colleges of the Western world that imperialism is the root cause of nearly every modern problem, from conflict in the Middle East to poverty in sub-Saharan Africa—a convenient alibi for rapacious dictators like Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe (144).

Instead, it seems reasonable to examine all aspects of the European imperial project—from infrastructural development and medical advancements to the negative impact on the colonized—to develop a more accurate understanding of history.

War and Technological Advancement

Ferguson argues that there is a strong link between war and progress. A famous example, the development of the first atomic bomb as part of the Manhattan Project during World War II, highlights the relationship between war, applied science, and technology. Wars also lead to developments in international law, as was the case with the Nuremberg and Tokyo War Crime Trials after World War II. Ferguson uses war to examine this relationship and to measure civilizational progress as one of the overarching themes throughout this book.

In the second chapter, he offers a comparative study of the West, symbolized by Europe, and the Islamic World, symbolized by the Ottoman Empire. In their standoff, the definitive Battle of Vienna of 1683 marked a turning point—imperial overextension—that led to the eventual collapse of the Ottoman Empire in the wake of World War I. In the two subsequent centuries, the Ottomans continued to lose control over their possessions in Southern Europe (Greece and the Balkans) in a series of wars with Russia and other European powers. Ferguson portrays the Ottoman Empire in this period as a political entity with a corrupt government lacking the necessary institutional framework for scientific development—one of the key reasons for its decline. It was not until the early 20th century that a secular leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk sought to emulate the West to “catch up.”

The relationship between war and technological advancement became more apparent during the Industrial Revolution. Some of the ways in which the Industrial Revolution benefitted the weapons and defense industries were straightforward and directly related to combat. The period between the late 19th and early 20th centuries saw the introduction of armored cars and the first tanks, submarines, such as German U-boats, machine guns, and even chemical weapons. One example is the Maxim machine gun. Invented in 1884, Maxim proved to be an adaptable weapon employed in both world wars.

World War I also became a testing ground for unspeakable horrors such as the usage of chemical weapons on a large scale. Some weapons in this category, like tear gas, had temporary effects. Others, like mustard gas and chlorine, caused permanent injury and death. According to some estimates, the use of chemical weapons during the first global conflict of the 20th century translated into a death toll in the tens of thousands. Approximately a million soldiers also ended up with either temporary or permanent health problems.

At the same time, the author suggests, major medical breakthroughs came out of World War I:

Yet war can also be a driver of human progress. As we have seen, the impressive advances of the Scientific Revolution were helped not hindered by the incessant feuding of the European states. The same was true of the clash of empires between 1914 and 1918. The slaughterhouse of the Western Front was like a vast and terrifying laboratory for medical science, producing significant advances in surgery, not to mention psychiatry. The skin graft and antiseptic irrigation of wounds were invented. The earliest blood transfusions were attempted. For the first time, all British soldiers were vaccinated against typhoid, and wounded soldiers were routinely given anti-tetanus shots (186).

Vaccines against deadly illnesses and surgical advancements are welcome signs of progress. Yet the obvious question arises from examining the relationship between war and progress—at what cost? Was it not possible to push medical science forward without the “vast and terrifying laboratory” and the immense pressure of war (186)? Ferguson leaves this implicit question unanswered.

The Rise and Fall of Civilizations

The Rise and Fall of Civilizations is another overarching theme for Ferguson. Throughout the book, he offers examples from different cultures and time periods, including the Roman and Incan Empires. He also briefly examines historical civilization theories. His goal is to determine whether the same fate awaits what he categorizes as Western civilization, and, if so, how and when the West would decline.

Generally, political theorists conceive of civilizations as undergoing a cycle of emergence, development, and decline. For example, the ancient Greek historian Polybius identified the cycle to include a cycle that begins with a monarchy, degenerates toward an oligarchy and a democracy, and ends with mob rule. 19th-century German thinkers Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and Karl Marx both viewed history as unfolding toward a particular end. Early 20th-century German historian Oswald Spengler portrayed civilizations as living things that eventually die when he penned the Decline of the West.

The way in which civilization declines or even fully disappears may differ. Ferguson writes, “Do civilizations collapse with a bang, on the battlefield of Armageddon, or with a long, lingering whimper?” (294). He briefly examines the “lost city of the Incas,” Machu Picchu, not discovered by the West until the early 20th century (101). The city appeared to be a “self-sufficient settlement, with running spring water and terraces for the cultivation of crops and the grazing of livestock” over 8,000 feet above sea level (101). Despite various theories about epidemics, it is still unclear why such an advanced 15th-century city was abandoned. To Ferguson, this city is a symbol of civilizational decline, but of course, the rest of the Incan Empire disappeared because it was deliberately destroyed by Spanish colonial conquest.

In the author’s view, the closest corollary to the 21st-century West is the Roman Empire, a “startingly sophisticated system” (17). “In the space of a generation, the vast imperial metropolis of Rome fell into disrepair, the aqueducts broken, the splendid market places deserted,” Ferguson writes (17). Its decline was accompanied by a drop in living standards and a loss of knowledge in fields such as art and architecture. Later, Germanic barbarian tribes overran the former borders of the empire. Abbasid caliphs, Byzantine librarians, and Irish monks were the ones to preserve the knowledge of what Ferguson calls “the classical West” (17).

He locates parallels between the 21st-century West and the collapse of Rome:

Once so dominant, the economies of the United States and Europe are now facing the real prospect of being overtaken by China within twenty or even ten years, with Brazil and India not so very far behind. Western ‘hard power’ seems to be struggling in the Greater Middle East, from Iraq to have been reborn as it was in the Italy of the Renaissance. Is decline and fall the looming fate of Western Civilization 2.0? In demographic terms, the population of Western societies has long represented a minority of the world’s inhabitants, but today it is clearly a dwindling one (17).

Ferguson believes that in addition to these problems, Western governments appear to be terrified of climate change. In sum, they indicate a loss of confidence in Western civilization. The author appears to be somewhat influenced by the Spenglerian idea of equating civilizations to living things:

This idea that we are doomed—that decline and fall are inevitable, that things can only get worse—is deeply connected with our own sense of mortality. Because as individuals we are bound to degenerate, so, we instinctively feel, must the civilizations in which we live. All flesh is grass. In the same way, all vainglorious monuments end up as ruins (294).

Yet the potential decline of the West depends on a variety of factors in a dynamic global situation. For example, the rise of competitors like China indicates that they rely on at least some of the “killer apps” that came from the West, in Ferguson’s view. Overall, he encourages Westerners not to get too fatalistic.

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