57 pages 1 hour read

Beggars in Spain

Fiction | Novel | Adult | Published in 1991

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Themes

What the Strong Owe the Weak

The question of what the strong owe the weak is central both to Leisha's character and the broader world Kress builds throughout Beggars in Spain. Moreover, virtually every moral or economic philosophy espoused by the characters seeks to answer this question. Under Yagaiism, Leisha's first philosophy and a rough analogue to Ayn Rand's Objectivism, individuals owe one another nothing except what is freely negotiated through contracts in a free market capitalist system. Given Leisha's own intellectual and material privilege, it makes sense that this philosophy would appeal to her, for she has plenty to give and receive in such a system. Just because the poor are ignored under Yagaiism doesn't mean they go away. This is what Tony means when he asks Leisha, “Now what about the beggars in Spain?” (56). Citing society's need for compassion and kindness, Leisha says she would give the beggars money, but Tony coldly yet rightly expresses the contradiction this poses with Yagaiism and suggests that the class warfare resulting from it will be bloody: “What if […] they're so rotten with anger about what you have that they knock you down and grab it and then beat you out of sheer envy and despair?” (58).

In Book 2, Leisha refines her philosophy around this question. While she still largely favors free trade, Leisha adopts a worldview that's more influenced by the Enlightenment than Yagaiism. Rather than a world defined by linear contracts between individuals, what's more important is John Locke's idea of an unspoken social contract between rulers and ruled, and a system of law and order that ensures every individual the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of property. After the events surrounding Jennifer's trial and Hawke's murderous envy, Leisha begins to suspect that the law is strong enough to withstand the politics of class resentment, which may be inevitable no matter the relationship between strong and weak: “And what kept the ecology functioning was the law. But if the law itself was not large enough?” (198).

By Book 3, Leisha has abandoned many of her high-minded ideals surrounding what the strong owe the weak and is instead faintly resigned to the socialist reality in which the upper classes maintain social stability and low levels of class warfare by trading “bread and circuses” (220) to the lower classes in the form of government assistance. Under this state of affairs, what the strong owe the weak is dictated by what ensures order for the whole. Despite the ways this socially-engineered economy betrays her Yagaiist roots, Leisha appears to be grateful for the lack of resentment she observes when the Liver boy interviews her for his school newsgrid: “Such a polite boy, so devoid of envy or hatred, so satisfied. So stupid” (222). But when the country enters an economic spiral—one that was arguably inevitable given the complacency of 80% of its population— all of the old class resentments bubble up to the surface.

Like many of the questions it poses, the novel offers no definitive answer to what the strong owe to the weak, the wealthy to the poor. It does, however, suggest that neither a purely capitalist society nor a purely socialist one is sufficient for reconciling tensions between the classes.

Individual Freedom Versus Social Equality

While modern democratic societies are built on the dual ideas of individualism and equality, Leisha comes to believe these two ideas are fundamentally opposed to one another. After all, her thinking goes, how can everyone be equals if they're all individuals? Leisha explains this to Miri late in the book: “When individuals are free to become anything at all, some will become geniuses and some will become resentful beggars. […] You can't have both equality and the freedom to pursue individual excellence” (397).

 

Much of the real-life scholarship on individualism and equality stems from the work of the 19th-century French political scientist Alexis de Tocqueville, who is said to have coined the term “individualism.” Though Tocqueville goes unmentioned in Beggars in Spain, his ideas about equality and the individual loom large over much of the novel's philosophical and moral debates. While Leisha considers individualism and equality to be diametrically opposed, the way Tocqueville characterizes the relationship between the terms is more complicated. In his landmark 1838 book Democracy in America, he writes, “Individualism is of democratic origin, and it threatens to spread in the same ratio as the equality of conditions” (Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. New York: G. Dearborn and Co. 1838.). The fact that individualism grows out of equality, even as it threatens it, helps explain why the two struggle to coexist. That said, Tocqueville differs from Leisha in that he makes an important distinction between individualism and freedom, two terms that Leisha seems to equate. For Tocqueville, individualism is a democratic excess that threatens to isolate a person from one's community and “to confine him entirely within the solitude of his own heart” (Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. New York: G. Dearborn and Co. 1838.). Freedom, on the other hand, is not the freedom to behave by whatever standards an individual chooses. Rather, freedom has a strong moral component. Tocqueville tied this morality to religion, but for the purpose of dissecting Beggars in Spain—in which religion is nearly absent—morality could easily be tied to terms like community or family. Tocqueville writes, “Liberty cannot be established without morality, nor morality without faith” (Tocqueville, Alexis de. Democracy in America. New York: G. Dearborn and Co. 1838.).

A sense of morality may be what is missing from the most ambitious example in the book of a community seeking to simultaneously prize individual achievement and social cohesion: Sanctuary. In the words of Leisha, Jennifer “tried to create a community that put just as much value on its own solidarity—the 'equality' of those who were included as members—as on those members' individual diverse achievements” (397). In chasing that dream and even coming close to achieving it, Jennifer commits a series of heinous acts of murder and euthanasia to purge her community of potential mediocrity. Miri puts it bluntly: “In narrowing her definitions of community, my grandmother killed by brother Tony” (398).

The Effect of Technology on Existing Inequality

Although the science fiction “hook” of the novel is the controversial subject of genetic modification, Kress never explicitly debates the merits or ethics of this technological development. This is consistent with her broader approach toward technology, in that she is far more concerned with the political and psychological ramifications of these developments as opposed to teasing out some sense of morality—or lack thereof—inherent in them. To Kress, technological advances like human genetic engineering cannot be stopped, and what's more important is ensuring the social bonds that hold humanity together can withstand them. For example, the dramatic cleavages in society that will erupt in the novel as a result of the Sleepless are not the fault of genetic engineering itself but rather the systemic class distinctions that make genetic engineering a possibility only for the upper echelons of society. It is more than simply the raw sum of affording genemods. Early in the book, readers learn of a Sleepless baby who was shaken to death because her mother couldn't bear the child crying 24 hours a day. In a meeting with the Biotech Institute, Camden says, “You should have picked only parents wealthy enough to afford nurses in shifts” (7).

While the technological divides between wealthy and poor caused by Sleeplessness are probably far more dramatic than anything in the real world, there are certainly contemporary analogues to Kenzo Yagai's invention of Y-energy. The dramatic increases in productivity allowed by Y-energy, along with its relative affordability, is akin to how Internet and mobile technologies have connected billions. Internet and mobile technologies have allowed digital deserts both in the United States and globally to become connected to the rest of the world in a way that was never before possible; this leaves the parts of the globe that are still victims of pre-existing digital divides that much farther behind. While Leisha repeatedly cites Y-energy as evidence that the achievements of the few benefit everyone, the book offers a couple counterpoints to this belief. For example, Richard mentions that in the developing world “Y-energy is mostly only available only in big cities” (60). And at the beginning of the book, Roger mentions “redlining in Y-energy installations” (5), indicating that specific communities have been denied Y-energy services on the basis of their cultural or socioeconomic identities.

Revolution and the Politics of Resentment

There are two major revolutions that take place in Beggars in Spain. The first is the We-Sleep Movement, and the second is Sanctuary's secession from the United States. While the former is organized by the under-class and the latter by the wealthy, they are both driven in large part by the politics of resentment.

The extent to which the We-Sleep Movement is driven by resentment is laid-bare in an exchange at Beck's party between Hawke and Leisha. When Hawke likens We-Sleep to American slaves' fight for equality, Leisha cites an Aristotle quote: “Inferiors revolt in order that they may be equal, and equals that they may be superior” (Aristotle. Politics. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1905.). Leisha's point is that, unlike African Americans in the antebellum South, the proponents of the We-Sleep Movement are not slaves. While they may not be “equal” to the Sleepless in terms of intelligence or physiology, they are treated as equals under the law. Therefore, Leisha suggests that their revolution is less about creating an egalitarian society and more about asserting their superiority over others. This is a common feature of Populist movements that have arisen over the past decade in the West, as well as various white nationalist movements whose members seek to reassert the superiority they believe they possess over other races. What all of these movements have in common—including We-Sleep—is that they feed off the resentment of self-identifying “ordinary people” against some other group, usually one they perceive to have ignored them or limited their opportunities for economic advancement. In this brief exchange, Leisha argues that Hawke's movement is driven not by a sincere belief in equality but by a resentful desire to unseat the Sleepless from their elite position.

A similar sort of resentment is seen in Jennifer's Sanctuary secession, albeit one that runs top-to-bottom rather than bottom-to-top. In her secession address, Jennifer repeatedly invokes the American Revolution, accusing the United States government of “taxation without representation” (355), a political slogan used by proponents of American independence from the British. At the same time, however, Jennifer subverts the language of the Declaration of Independence when she says, “We hold these truths to be self-evident to the examining eye: That all men are not created equal” (355). In this, Sanctuary's rebellion is more akin to the secession of the South during the Civil War, a revolution based not on a demand for equality but a demand for superiority over others, and a resentment that people they perceive as inferior would dare to demand to be treated as equals. Here, the words of Aristotle are once again relevant. While it may seem strange for “superiors” like the Sleepless to revolt, more words from Tocqueville come to mind: “Society was cut in two: those who had nothing united in common envy; those who had anything united in common terror” (Tocqueville, Alexis de. The Old Regime and the French Revolution. Paris: Michel Levy Freres. 1856.).

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