American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House

The Cabinet purge failed to bring peace to Eaton, who felt disoriented and angry after his resignation. On June 17, 1831, the Telegraph, a newspaper aligned with Calhoun, published an article accusing Eaton’s wife of moral impropriety. This led Eaton to confront Branch, Berrien, and Ingham, the three other Cabinet members who were forced to resign. Ingham’s dismissive response escalated tensions, prompting Eaton to challenge him to a duel. When Ingham did not immediately respond, Eaton, with a group including his brother-in-law and Treasury officials, searched Washington for him, intending to provoke a confrontation. Ingham armed himself and managed to avoid attack with the help of his son and friends. The conflict persisted into the night. In his response to Ingham, who was already fleeing for safety, Jackson dismissed his claims about the posse, saying the accused men had denied the allegations.

Preparations for the 1832 elections were underway. Henry Clay’s supporters, anticipating a close contest, believed that the election might go to the House of Representatives. Calhoun’s approach aimed to garner enough support from the South and border states. South Carolina congressman George McDuffie harshly criticized the Union as oppressive, a sentiment that alarmed some Southern leaders like Duff Green, who felt such rhetoric jeopardized Calhoun’s national position and indicated potential rebellion. In his “Fort Hill Address,” Calhoun articulated a philosophical argument that states, as original parties to the Constitution, could nullify federal laws until a constitutional amendment resolved the issue. Calhoun’s theory, rooted in the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, was seen by figures like James Madison as overreaching. Critics argued that nullification would undermine national unity, leading to a confederacy where states picked and chose which federal laws to follow. This defiance could undermine the federal government and pave the way for secession.

Calhoun’s doctrine raised questions about the balance between majority rule and minority rights. While Jackson’s vision of direct democracy risked mob rule, Calhoun’s emphasis on state power threatened national coherence. Although they had disagreements in the past, anti-nullification leaders like Jackson and Webster trusted the system of checks and balances. Calhoun’s ideas, however, reflected a broader conflict over power and governance in a growing nation.

Jackson inspired loyalty among his supporters, even in the face of intense attacks from old and new enemies. Jackson’s scandals, intended to turn voters against him, actually unified his followers. These controversies fostered a shared sense of persecution and a resolve to defeat their common enemies. Those who had supported Jackson in earlier campaigns were obligated to stand by him, even making personal sacrifices if necessary. The attacks on Jackson’s wife strengthened their commitment, turning their support into a personal cause. Jackson, aware of his precarious position after purging his Cabinet, feared political repercussions and was concerned about potential challengers like Clay and Calhoun. He expressed a desire to retreat to his Hermitage plantation but felt obligated to continue his presidency. Experiencing headaches and loneliness, Jackson relied on his close family, particularly Emily and Andrew, to cope with his emotional turmoil. In late July 1831, the Donelson family returned to Washington.

After he resigned from his Cabinet position, Van Buren accepted Jackson’s appointment as envoy to England and moved to London. However, in a highly divisive vote on January 25, 1832, the Senate, with Vice President Calhoun breaking a tie, rejected Van Buren’s nomination. Calhoun, seeking revenge for Van Buren’s role in turning Jackson against him, aimed to embarrass Jackson and derail Van Buren’s future. The rejection rallied Jackson’s supporters, and Van Buren was nominated for vice president, replacing Calhoun on the ticket.

The year 1832 saw friction within Jackson’s administration, particularly with Treasury Secretary Louis McLane. Jackson initially appeared to support McLane’s approach of reforming the Bank over abolishing it but then altered the language of his annual message to Congress, leaving the future of the Bank more ambiguous. Believing Jackson’s stance indicated a potential compromise, Bank President Nicholas Biddle sought an early recharter of the Bank in January 1832, encouraged by political allies like Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. Biddle’s strategy aimed to force Jackson into a politically damaging position of either signing the recharter and securing the Bank’s future or vetoing it and facing electoral backlash. Jackson, however, was determined to dismantle the Bank, viewing it as a threat to his presidency and democratic principles.

In March 1832, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of two Christian missionaries who had been arrested for living on Cherokee lands without a state license. The Court found these laws unconstitutional, supporting the Cherokees’ rights. Reports indicated that Jackson believed the Supreme Court’s decision was erroneous and might not enforce it. Jackson believed Georgia’s actions would hasten Cherokee displacement and was wary of alienating another Southern state while confronting South Carolina on nullification. Thus, Jackson, who often disregarded legal formalities, chose not to enforce the Court’s decision. Eventually, his administration persuaded Georgia’s governor to release the imprisoned missionaries, avoiding further conflict.

In April 1832, tensions from the forced displacement of Indigenous Americans led to conflict when Black Hawk, a Sac leader, and his people returned to their Illinois lands only to find white squatters occupying the area. Misled into believing they would receive support from the British and from other tribes, Black Hawk’s band faced hostile Illinois militia alone. On May 15, 1832, Black Hawk’s emissaries sought a parley with the militia, but the drunken soldiers attacked. Black Hawk’s warriors killed 12 militiamen in retaliation, and Jackson sent in federal troops.

In the first week of July 1832, Jackson shifted his focus to addressing the issue of the Bank. The bill to recharter the Bank had passed both houses. Jackson vetoed the bill, framing his decision as a stand against privileging the wealthy and powerful at the expense of the common people. He argued that government should not create artificial distinctions by granting special favors. With this veto, he asserted that the president has the authority to interpret the Constitution independently, challenging the Supreme Court’s established authority. This move was seen by some as an expansion of presidential power, shifting influence from Congress to the executive. Critics accused Jackson of seeking despotic power, but he insisted he was merely fulfilling his duty to represent the people’s interests.

In 1831, the American ship Friendship was attacked in Quallah Battoo by Malays who killed three crew members and plundered the ship. The captain, Endicott, escaped and demanded restitution from the local rajah, who refused. Jackson responded by dispatching the frigate Potomac under Captain John Downes to negotiate or use force if necessary. Downes launched an immediate attack, razing Quallah Battoo and killing more than 100 people. When news of the assault reached Washington five months later, Jackson’s critics condemned the lack of negotiation and the ensuing violence. They argued that a diplomatic approach would have justified any subsequent use of force and maintained the nation’s honor. Jackson, who had ordered Downes to negotiate, appeared aggressive and had to defend himself. Ultimately, the orders he had given were clear evidence of his intent to balance diplomacy with force: When the House requested relevant documents, Jackson promptly provided them, revealing that Downes had likely overstepped his instructions.

Believing he had won against Jackson by mid-1832, Clay underestimated Jackson’s influence. Meanwhile, Jackson retreated to Tennessee after his Bank veto, managing his plantation and keeping in touch with the Donelsons, who left Washington to avoid a cholera outbreak.

The South was growing increasingly anxious about the future of slavery, especially after Nat Turner’s rebellion in August 1831. Turner, claiming divine inspiration, led a revolt in Virginia, killing 57 white people. The violent response quelled the rebellion and resulted in numerous deaths among the enslaved Black population. Virginia debated gradual emancipation but chose to wait for clearer public opinion.

In South Carolina, dissatisfaction with the Tariff of 1832 led Calhoun to champion nullification, abandoning his presidential ambitions by May 1832. The South Carolina legislature was expected to move toward nullifying the federal tariff, potentially by seizing federal forts in Charleston.

In the 1832 presidential election, Jackson pioneered modern campaign strategies such as national conventions, organized efforts, and public appearances, including a major tour from Tennessee to Washington. His campaign, featuring “Hickory Clubs” and parades, portrayed him as a champion of the common people against the elite. His active campaigning contrasted with Clay’s more reserved approach, which ultimately hurt Clay’s chances. The election was expected to be close, with many predicting it might end up in the House of Representatives. However, Jackson’s campaign generated excitement and a sense of belonging among voters, and he won the election.

In December 1832, tensions in South Carolina escalated as the state moved toward nullifying federal tariffs, raising fears of civil conflict. Southern radical James Henry Hammond prepared for potential combat, and Governor Robert Hayne of South Carolina mobilized militia forces. In Washington, Jackson received detailed intelligence reports from a Unionist named Joel Poinsett and planned his response to maintain the Union without provoking wider Southern rebellion. Poinsett reported a divide among the nullifiers, with some pushing for secession and others, like Calhoun, advocating a more moderate approach. Considering local prejudices against Northerners, Poinsett advised sending Southern officers to manage the situation. Jackson offered only general reassurances, prompting Poinsett to seek stronger support.

Jackson’s annual presidential message to Congress, delivered on December 4, sought to balance opposition to nullification with a conciliatory tone on tariff reform and states’ rights. However, he secretly prepared for potential military conflict, ordering arms to Charleston to support the Unionists and position the federal government for a fight if necessary.