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Irish immigrants first began arriving in Boston in the 18th century, driven away from their homeland by harsh political and economic conditions. Immigration increased dramatically with the Potato Famine in the mid-19th century, and the Irish became the largest immigrant group in Boston, developing a strong presence in South Boston in particular. Faced with xenophobic attitudes from those who saw the waves of Irish newcomers as invaders, the Irish American residents of Boston went on to show firm support for the Union during the American Civil War and, largely due to the highly visible efforts of such groups as the 9th Regiment Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry (known as the “Fighting Ninth”), gained distinction during the war. As historians now note, “Irish support for the Union helped to soften nativist sentiment against them while the war itself provided new opportunities for economic and social advancement” (“The Irish Atlantic: A Story of Famine, Migration, and Opportunity Open at the Massachusetts Historical Society.” MHS News. Massachusetts Historical Society, 10 Mar. 2017).
As time went on, the Irish American residents of Boston gained greater political clout and representation in government. In 1884, Hugh O’Brien was elected the first Irish-born Roman Catholic mayor of Boston. The Irish population in South Boston exploded around the turn of the 20th century, with Irish Americans numbering approximately “72,000 out of a total population of nearly half a million” (“The Irish Atlantic”). In the 1930s, the Old Colony was built in South Boston and became the country’s first public housing project, consisting of 22 buildings that housed 845 apartments and took up just under 17 acres of land. A vibrant but hardscrabble culture flourished in this area, and the residents of South Boston—or “Southie”—formed an extremely tight-knit community over the decades. Michael Patrick MacDonald was raised in Old Colony during one of Boston’s most divisive and tumultuous historical periods, and he and his family were deeply affected by the activities of the notorious Irish American crime boss, Whitey Bulger, as well as the 1974 busing crisis and the racially motivated violence that ensued.
In an attempt to address the issue of the de facto segregation of South Boston’s public schools, the NAACP filed a lawsuit against the Boston School Committee in 1972 “for its ongoing refusal to comply with the state’s Racial Imbalance Act” of 1965 (“Desegregation Busing.” Encyclopedia of Boston, Boston Research Center). Judge Wendell Arthur Garrity Jr. ruled that the committee was engaging in unconstitutional efforts to maintain segregation, and he ordered the desegregation of Boston public schools via the solution of busing students from one area to another. This decision ignited deep rage among close-knit South Boston communities, where many criticized the ruling and insisted upon their right to allow their children to attend schools within their neighborhood. As MacDonald observes in his book, Southie echoed with cries of “Hell No We Won’t Go,” and incidents of racist violence rapidly escalated amid anti-busing protests.
The population of South Boston was deeply divided on this issue; many were outraged by the prospect of being forced to bus their children to different schools, while others were equally horrified by the racist violence that erupted in their neighborhood over the ruling. Those who criticized Garrity’s decision contended that the busing initiative “would accomplish little other than interracial violence” and that “moving students from one failing school to another didn’t address the system’s larger failures” (“Desegregation Busing”). This particular point of conflict is intensely addressed in All Souls as MacDonald describes his firsthand experiences of the enmity that ensued as the lower-class communities of South Boston and Roxbury were essentially pitted against each other by these broader political decisions. As MacDonald observes:
National news crews descended on the neighborhood to focus only on the scenes of inexcusable racist violence, without examining any of the equally important class manipulation at play in a plan that would send rightfully aggrieved African American students into a school that, in spite of its predominant complexion, was as bad if not worse than the one they came from. In essence, liberal Garrity [and conservative politicians] were working very well together, for their own class interests that sacrificed South Boston and Roxbury families. (“Whitey Bulger, South Boston, and Southie’s Lost Generation.” Beacon Broadside: A Project of Beacon Press. 22 Oct. 2014.)
MacDonald maintains that the busing initiative focused entirely upon the very real impact of segregation in public schools but failed to account for the deeply complex economic issues involved, given that his local school of South Boston High was already contending with an array of problems that prevented it from meeting adequate educational standards. His own position on the issue is deeply rooted in his personal experiences of the outrage and violence that took place during this time frame, and while his longtime career as an activist gives him a more measured understanding of the complex dynamics in play, his memoirs contain visceral descriptions of the street-level violence that he and his siblings witnessed in their neighborhood, as well as discussions of the racist attitudes that often prevailed in his area.
Born in Massachusetts in 1929 as James Joseph Bulger, “Whitey” Bulger—so called for his near-white blonde hair—embarked upon a life of crime, engaging in larceny, assault, and forgery. After a brief and largely unsuccessful stint in the Air Force, he resumed and escalated his criminal activities, committing a series of bank robberies that landed him in federal prison. After serving nine years of a 25-year sentence, he went to work for the Boston crime boss Donald Killeen and later joined the Winter Hill Gang in 1972. He became the leader of the gang in 1979, and during the time that MacDonald and his family lived in Southie, Bulger was widely known for controlling the vast majority of the drug trade in Boston, among other criminal ventures.
Bulger shrewdly used the turmoil of the busing crisis to his advantage, for as MacDonald grimly observes: “That us-against-them enmity […] benefited James “Whitey” Bulger more than anyone. To thrive, Bulger needed Southie united in a closed, paranoid, and conspiratorial culture of silence” (“Whitey Bulger, South Boston, and Southie’s Lost Generation.”) At the same time (and without the knowledge of even his closest partners), Bulger used his connections to his brother William, a Massachusetts State Senator, and served as an FBI informant from 1975 to 1990, even as he continued to build his own criminal empire. (Much later, his criminal career would become the inspiration for the character of Frank Costello in Martin Scorsese’s acclaimed film The Departed.) Bulger’s clandestine arrangement with the FBI, when it became known, contributed to MacDonald’s deep disgust with corruption, for although he acknowledges that Bulger was eventually caught and imprisoned for racketeering and murder, the notorious crime boss was never made to answer for “the hundreds upon hundreds of drug-related indirect murders of young people” who died in South Boston over the years (“Whitey Bulger.”)
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