101 pages 3 hours read

A Different Mirror

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1993

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Themes

The Tempest and Representations of “the Other”

A recurring them in Takaki’s book is the representation of ethnic minority groups by those in positions of power. Takaki uses Shakespeare’s play The Tempest to describe early constructions of racial difference—a construction that transpired in early 17th-century England and took form in colonial America. As Takaki writes:

Indeed, The Tempest can be approached as a fascinating tale that served as a masquerade for the creation of a new society in America. Seen in this light, the play invites us to view English expansion not only as imperialism, but also as a defining moment in the making of an English-American identity based on race (28).

Initially, the English framed their encounters with new and “strange” populations as a clash between “civilization” and “savagery.” They used this model to justify their oppression of the Irish in Ireland and then to dispossess indigenous peoples of their lands in America. Takaki describes Prospero and Caliban, two characters in The Tempest, who personify traits of civilization (the English) and savagery (“the Other”). Whereas Prospero is educated and refined and conquers new lands through divine right, Caliban is barbaric, demonic, and treacherous. Most of all, Caliban is “what English men and women in America thought they were not, and, more important—what they must not become” (42). Paying close attention to language, Takaki also notes the interchanging terms that the English used to describe “the Other.” For instance, to be “Indianized” meant to be “decivilized,” which the Puritans also equated with being “Devil-driven” (43).

The trope of Caliban as the depraved “Other” endures throughout the book, and Takaki often starts his chapters by stating, “But Caliban could have been African” (49), “Irish” (131), “Asian” (177), “Jewish” (262), and so on. With every introduction of the new Caliban, Takaki presents the dominant representation of the minority group, which amounts to extremely negative stereotypes that justify the rule of white society.

These representations of “the Other” are not static, and Takaki traces the fluidity of ethnic identities in different historical and cultural contexts. The Irish, for example, while denigrated and marginalized in English society, adopted antiblack attitudes in late 19th-century America and recast their ethnic identity as “white,” thus assuming all the privileges that came with this racialized designation. For other immigrants, like the Chinese, mainstream assimilation was not possible, as restrictive legislation like the 1790 Naturalization Act prevented them from acquiring naturalized citizenship, limiting their legal rights and political participation. Thus, white America viewed the Chinese like other marginalized populations. Takaki notes, “All three groups—blacks, Indians, and Chinese—shared a common identity: they were all Calibans of color” (189).

Although every ethnic immigrant group experienced discrimination and prejudice, the rigidity of the color line was most pronounced for African Americans. Early on, the English associated Caliban with a “dark complexion” (49), one that they transposed onto Africans, linking blackness to a multitude of negative images that contrasted with the goodness and purity of whiteness. These associations helped justify the institution of slavery: “Like Caliban, they served the Prosperos of the master class” (102). Although they were the target of systematic oppression and virulent racism, African Americans did not accept their subjugated status. In the conclusion of the book, Takaki cites one of Caliban’s chants from The Tempest—“Freedom, highday! highday, freedom! freedom, highday, freedom!”—connecting his opposition to the famous protest song of the Civil Rights Movement: “We shall overcome. We shall overcome” (438-39).

The “Giddy Multitude,” Class Conflict, and the Struggle for Equality

A Different Mirror is foremost a study of race and ethnicity in America. Yet it also is a story about class conflict and the struggle of minority groups to have a better life. Takaki links the exploitation of an American underclass to the historical development of a “giddy multitude” intent on overthrowing an unequal class system. For Takaki, the story of this conflict begins with the violent appropriation of indigenous lands, which the English used to establish plantations for commercial cultivation. To cultivate the land, they relied on the labor of an exploited and marginalized workforce. Over time, the composition of this underclass shifted, showing that race and ethnicity are stratified by different axes of oppression—including class.

For instance, in the mid-17th century, English colonists largely relied on indentured servants to cultivate their fields. This became an increasingly untenable arrangement, as laborers started to recognize the limitations of their class mobility. They began to threaten the established social order, “joining what the planter elite fearfully called ‘a giddy multitude’—a discontented class of indentured servants, slaves, and landless freemen, both white and black” (58), which came to fruition in one of the largest class insurrections prior to the American Revolution, known as Bacon’s Rebellion. To neutralize the “giddy multitude,” plantation owners reorganized society “on the basis of class and race,” choosing to import more slaves from Africa (60). Yet, as Takaki notes, the choice to create a larger class of enslaved blacks did not quell the “giddy multitude”—it merely displaced the socioeconomic struggles of the underclass further “down the corridors of time” (71).

By the 19th century, the Market Revolution, fueled by technological advancements, intensified capitalists’ demand for cheap, expendable labor. Immigrants from Ireland, China, Japan, and Mexico, among many other parts of the world, met this demand. To keep this body of laborers subservient, capitalists relied on “divide and rule” tactics, deliberately pitting racial and ethnic groups against each other to dissuade strikes and unionization efforts. These divisive strategies were effective initially, as some ethnic groups, like the Irish, mobilized a white identity in opposition to blacks, to improve their socioeconomic standing.

In other circumstances, these divisive tactics failed. For instance, in 1903 Mexican and Japanese farmworkers formed an interethnic alliance and went on strike to resist exploitative labor conditions. As Takaki writes, “For the first time in the history of California, two minority groups feeling a solidarity based on class, had come together to form a union. Here was a West Coast version of the ‘giddy multitude’” (174). This interethnic class unity increasingly played out over the 20th century, showing the power of a “giddy multitude” or proletarianized class consciousness that demanded better treatment. This even extended across racial lines, as seen in 1941 when the United Auto Workers (UAW) encouraged African Americans to join. That same year the UAW received union recognition and wage increases for its workers. Takaki acknowledges that “these achievements did not mean the end of racism among white workers,” but he notes that “they demonstrated that interracial labor solidarity was essential […] Like the ‘giddy multitude’ of Bacon’s Rebellion, these black and white workers understood their common class interests” (335).

Although class solidarity improved the material living conditions of a proletarianized workforce, this was not sustained, as by the end of the 20th century, deindustrialization disproportionately affected the employment opportunities of minorities, especially black Americans. In the final sections of the book, Takaki describes the ongoing economic disparities between an elite, largely white class and the rest of the country. Closing this gap is one of the preeminent challenges of the 21st century.

Multiculturalism and Diversity in America

Perhaps the most prominent theme in Takaki’s book is his focus on America as a multicultural and diverse country and the contributions that minority groups have made to it. In every chapter it is clear that the America we know today was built from the hard work, ingenuity, and dreams of Native Americans, African Americans, Irish Americans, Mexican Americans, Chinese Americans, Jewish Americans, Japanese Americans, and countless other ethnic immigrant groups. Takaki details the economic magnitude and cultural significance of their contributions, showing that the “Master Narrative of American History,” which primarily focuses on the achievements of white Americans, is wrong.

Takaki begins his book by explaining his approach is comparative and inclusive. Thus, while he devotes most chapters to a single ethnic group, he also creates a comparative perspective across chapters, showing how these groups are similar to and different from one another and, above all, interconnected. For instance, when Takaki discusses the economic contributions of minority groups in the 19th century, he links these contributions to a deeper history of class exploitation and racial and ethnic oppression:

Working in the textile mills of New England, Irish immigrant women manufactured fabric made from cotton grown on former Indian lands and picked by enslaved African Americans; meanwhile, Irish immigrant men labored in New England shoe factories, making shoes from hides shipped by Mexican workers in California. Chinese and Irish railroad workers laid the transcontinental tracks that closed the frontier (78).

Takaki makes it clear in this passage, and countless others, that the American economy—from the agricultural fields to the textile mills, factories, and railroad tracks—was built through the appropriated land and labor of people from all parts of the world.

In addition to economic contributions, Takaki also focuses on the cultural contributions of ethnic minorities. Takaki’s narrative style, which pays close attention to routine, everyday activities, captures the richness of multicultural America. In the following passage he describes the lunches of immigrant workers and their children during the 1920s, highlighting the communality of many different ethnic groups working and living next to each other, forging a multicultural identity that also included a shared language, Hawaiian Pidgin English:

‘Everybody took their own lunches’ to school, Lucy Robello of the Waialua plantation said. ‘And like the Japanese used to take their little riceballs with an ume [pickled plum] inside and little daikon [radish]. And us Portuguese, we used to take bread with butter and jelly or bread with cheese inside.’ Then, at noon, Japanese and Portuguese children would trade their kaukaus [lunches] with each other. Meanwhile, in the fields, their parents were also sharing their lunches. ‘We get in a group,’ William Rego recalled. ‘We pick from this guy’s lunch and that guy’ll pick from my lunch and so forth.’ Crossing ethnic lines, workers would taste each other’s foods and exclaim in Hawaiian: ‘Ono, ono!’ ‘Tasty, tasty!’ (248).

The large presence of second-generation immigrant children in the 20th century also reflects America’s multicultural composition. Takaki frequently refers to their experiences, highlighting the sense of “twoness” they felt living in America, first as the children of immigrants with distinct traditions and expectations, and second as acculturated Americans (260). A young Afghan American expresses this cultural duality with the following statement:

‘There are a lot of kids my age,’ the twenty-four-year old Murtaza said, ‘who don’t understand or appreciate what their parents went through. We are half American. It’s not a bad thing or a good thing. It’s who we are. But Afghanistan is also embedded in me—it is who I am, at least a part of me’ (424).

The unique position of second-generation immigrant children also has parallels with the children of mixed racial and ethnic unions. While miscegenation between whites and blacks was outlawed until 1967, these types of relationships certainly occurred, dating back to Europeans’ earliest settlements in America. Takaki also documents how ethnic immigrants maneuvered around miscegenation laws, forming marital unions with other ethnic groups, as seen between Sikh men and Mexican women, creating families that celebrated their multiculturalism. Through these kinds of examples and case studies, Takaki illustrates the deep history of America’s multicultural diversity—a social tapestry that speaks to his own life experiences as a Japanese American, growing up in a multiethnic household, marrying a white woman, and being a grandfather to children of Jewish and Mexican descent.

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